Title


CHAPTER IV. MILITARY FORCE OF THE OTTOMANS.

CHAPTER IV.

MILITARY FORCE OF THE OTTOMANS.

Military divisions of the empire.—Feudal system of the Ottomans.—Ziantets and timars. Janizarics. Agemoglans.—Other bodies of infantry receiving pay from the porte;--topgis, gebegis, sakkas.—.Cavalry receiving pay from the porte.—Serratculy or troops receiving pay from the pashas. —Order of encampment. Tents and camp-equipage.—Method of supplying the army with provisions—Order of march, and battle.—Modes of fighting, and of defending their fortresses.,—Recapitulation.-Turkish laps qt' war.--Treatment of prisoners.—Turkish naml. [214]

The military establishment of the Turkish empire is an extensive militia, which was exceedingly formidable before standing armies were introduced among other nations, and when the constant practice of war had inured the Ottomans to hardships, taught them discipline, and familiarized them with danger. Their maintenance was provided for by a suitable allotment of land, according to the [215] feudal system. The empire, as its boundaries were enlarged by successive conquests, was divided into the great and lesser pashaliks, whose governors united the military with the administrative powers, and in each province a third part of' the lands were distributed as military benefices among the soldiery1. The beylerbeys, considered as military commanders, were subordinate only to the vizir, and presided over all the other governors. The pashas, according to their dignity and the extent of their districts, summoned to their standards the begs, the agar, and the possessors of lordships under the names of ziamet and timar; besides whom, there was generally a crowd of needy or fanatical adventurers, who repaired to the place of rendezvous, equipped and armed ac. cording to their fancy or their means2.

1See Mignot, discours sur les finances, t. iv, p. 448.

2A pashalik is divided, as to the military part, into districts called sanjacs. The governor, or sanjac bey, assembles the janizaries, spahis, zaïms, and timariots, of his jurisdiction, and waits the orders of the pasha.

Sanjac properly signifies, a standard denoting the authority of the commanding officer; by a natural transition the same name is used for the military division of a department, and by ellipsis for the officer himself. (See Busbeq. epist. 1, p. 7. Marsigli, t. 1, p. 19, Cantemir, p. 116, note 1.)

[216] The feudal system (of the ottomans), as established in Turkey, though it resembled in its leading features that which was introduced in all those parts of Europe where the Northern nations settled themselves, was in several particulars essentially different from it. In those countries the victorious chief assigned to his principal officers extensive tracts of land, which they subdivided among their inferior officers, and they again among the soldiers; each superior exacting from his immediate vassal the same fealty by which he had bound him-self to his own immediate superior, whether the sovereign or a mesne lord, Hence arose the great power of the barons, in whose defence, or at whose instigation, their subordinate vassals have sometimes taken up arms, in opposition to, or in defiance of, the authority of their common sovereign, In Turkey all the land is held immediately from the sultan, and all grants, on the demise of the incumbent, vest anew in him. The reciprocal feudal obligations, which confirmed and cemented the relations between the nobles and their vassals, are there unknown: so that between the pashas and the inferior feudal proprietors, there exists no tie of generosity and benevolence on the one hand, or of gratitude and affection [217] on the other; and though there be indeed subordination of rank, there is no concatenation of dependence. When inconveniences were felt from the abuse of the power of the lords, and the oppressed vassals, though they obeyed the summons to the field, were yet indifferent and even hostile to the cause in which they were engaged, a remedy was adopted in several European states by making the fiefs hereditary, and taxing the lands with the condition of furnishing a certain number of soldiers, armed and equipped; so that a numerous and powerful army was instantly assembled, and at once ready for action. In this era of the feudal history, when knight-service was introduced, the system more resembled that of Turkey, except that there the grants always continue precarious, and dependent on the pleasure of the sultan, as universal proprietor, who, however, in order to encourage his subjects to spill their blood in his service, usually confers the fiefs with all their privileges and advantages on the children of those who die in battle, and allows a veteran, disabled by age or the accidents and hardships of war, to send his son as his substitute, who succeeds to the estate of the death of his father3. [218] Vassalage, properly speaking, does not exist, as all are equally crown-vassals; and from their being independent of each other, they can never form a counterpoise to the power of the sovereign4.

On the conquest of a country the most powerful among the ancient inhabitants either fled, or were prevented by death from giving umbrage or jealousy to their new masters: a new race of Turkish colonists supplied their places, who exacted the services and received the homage of the conquered people. The lands of these newly created ziamets and timars were cultivated by the rayahs, who paid to the lord of the manor, as the rent of their farms, the tenths of the produce and the increase of their stock. To the people of Europe, who were groaning under the tyranny and rapacity of the nobles, such

3See Marsigli, t, i, p. 96.

4"Les sultans ont conservé en Europe l'ancien usage qu'ils avoient pratiqué en Asie, de donner à leurs soldats des fièfs à vie. Its ne prirent point cette coutume des califes Arabes qu'ils détrônèrent. Le gouvernement des Arabes toit fondé sur des principes différens. Les Tartares Occideptaux partagèrent toujours les terres des vaincus: mais les Ottomans ne donnèrent jamais que de petites terres. Leurs zaïmats et leurs timariot sont plutôt des métairies que des seigneuries. L'esprit guerrier paroit tout entier dans cet établissement." (Voltaire, essai suf les moeurs, chap. xci, t. 17, p. 448. Paris, 1783. Syo.
[219] terms appeared advantageous, and such servitude light. "I have seen," says a contemporary writer, "multitudes of Hungarian rustics set fire to their cottages, and fly with their wives and children, their cattle and instruments of labour, to the Turkish territories, where they knew, that besides the payment of the tenths, they would be subject to no imposts or vexations5." The institution of these military fiefs is so essentially necessary for the support of the Ottoman government, by distributing over the conquered provinces a body of proprietors who are perpetually ready to take the field, and who are impelled by the sentiment of self-preservation to watch the motions of the people and to enforce their obedience to the sultan, that the conquests which were made in Persia by Murad the Fourth were considered as even injurious to the state on account of the universal emigration of the ancient inhabitants. The Turkish soldiers refused to accept of timars in a depopulated country, and the sultan was obliged to maintain, at a great
5 Leunciavius, apud Eizevir. in Turc. imp. statu, p. 85.
"Domino timarrotae decimam tantum frugum animaliumque praebent, ac nihil ultra tenentur." (Montalbanus, ap. Elzevir. p. 68.)
[220] expense, from the public treasury, the troops and garrisons necessary for the defence of that frontier6.

According to the canon nameh (or imperial constitutions) compiled by order of Soliman the First, the number of ziamets (or estates estimated at the value of five hundred acres of land or upwards7), amounted to three

6"Ma quello, che lo fa temere piu d'ogn' altra cosa it Persiano, è la spesa grande, ch' egli fa nel paese conquistato, et negli regni che gli ha tolti. Onde si può quasi con ragione dire, che questa a lui sia la Fiandra del re di Spagna o la Candia di Veneziani; perciochè la spesa è grandissima, et la rendita di poco momento, essendo in questo accaduto a' Turchi quello che non è occorso mai in altri regni o provincie acquistate, di non poter far timari et feudatarij à quasi poi sia raccommandata la guardia del paese, et accresciuti con questa nova militia li esserciti dell' imperatore. Il che è proceduto dal mancamento d'huomini, li quali parte fuggiti alle montagne parte salvati in altre città del re di Persia hanno privato it paese d'habitanti, però li soldati Turchi non vogliono accettare timari perchè non hanno il modo di far lavorare i terreni, con i quali possano tenere i cavalli descritti per nuovi timarioti in augmento dell' essercito. Et per questa istessa cagione le gabelle delli paesi acquistati sono indebolite; anzi non rendono alcuno utile. Onde conviene ad Amurath pagare li presidij del suo cazna et questi sono motto grossi come conviene alli stati di conquista, et confinati con inimico tanto potente, et d'incertissima fide." (See a manuscript in the Harleian collection in the British museum, No. 1872. Relatione dello stato, nel quale si ritruova it governo del imperie Turchesco quest' anno 1594.) 7Toderini (t. 1, p. 51, note 2) in quoting this passage from Marsigli (t. 1, p. 27, note) substitutes perches for acres. Marsigli,
[221] thousand one hundred and ninety-two; and the number of timars (or estates valued from three to five hundred acres of land8), amounted to fifty thousand one hundred and sixty; and the whole furnished a revenue of nearly four millions of rix-dollars, which was appropriated to the maintenance of an army of upwards of a hundred and fifty thousand men8. Each of the feudal lords, whether zaims or timariots, were enjoined, by the charter by which
in another passage (chap. lii, p. 95) says, that the revenue of a ziamet, arising from the tenths of the estate, cannot be less than 20,000 aspers, and that the proprietors are bound to arm one man for every 5000 aspers exceeding that sum. The smallest revenue of a timar is fixed at 5000 aspers, but if it do not exceed that amount, the proprietor alone is bound to join the army. This account agrees with that of Rycaut. (book iii, chap. 2, p. 172.)

8See Marsigli, Stato militare dell' impèrio Ottomanno, t. i, p. 134. "Equites enim centum quadraginta quinque mille detinet: quorum octua inta mille quasi in hybernis per Europam distributi sunt, cxteri quinquaginta mille per Asiam. Hi sunt qui spachi timarrotae vocantur; quia non annuo stipendio pecuniario sustentantur, sed assignatis agris detinentur eo pacto, ut tot equos ad bellum aunt quot agrorum assignatorum proportio postulat. (De urbe Constant. et imp. Turc. relatio incerti apud Honorium in Turc. imp. statu ap. Elzevir, p. 117.)

Olivier (v. i, p. 190,) says, "it is computed that there are in the European part of the empire 914 zeims and 8356 timars: the number in Asia is nearly the same; and the whole furnish a militia of above 60,000 men."—Mr. Eton, whose statement is incorrect, though perhaps not entirely imaginary, reckons 132,000 men. (Survey of the Turkish empire, p. 65.)
[222] they held their estates, to take up arms on the summons of the sultan; to remain encamped as long as he judged it expedient, to return home, at their own charge, and, at the same time, to maintain their stipulated contingents of cavalry or infantry. In case of disobedience, or neglect to join the standard of their district, the feudal lords of Asia were fined the amount of one year's revenue, and the timariots of Europe were punished by being deprived of their rank and emoluments during two years9. By this institution the sultan was provided with an inexhaustible supply of soldiers, continually augmenting as the empire became more extended, and was thereby enabled not only to carry on war without any additional expense, but even to derive from war itself the means of increasing his finances 10: for whenever vacancies happen, whether from death or forfeitures the sultan immediately becomes invested with the power of filling them up with new appointments; and it is asserted, that the same lordship has been eight times successively disposed of in the course of one campaign. During the
9Marsigli, t. i, p. 95.

10Montalbanus, ap. Elzevir, p. 16, 17, 25.
[223] continuance of the war the ziamets and timars are granted to those among the volunteers who, in hopes of obtaining such rewards, have signalized their valour; but it is probable, that the number which remains to be disposed of at the peace, according to the usual traffic of the porte, must always be considerable.

All the lands were not, however, exhausted by these partitions: the revenues of some were appropriated to mosques, to the great officers of state, to the mother and mistresses of the sultan, to children of the imperial family, or to the sultan himself; and the residue, burthened with a territorial impost or land-tax, was left by an undefined tenure to the ancient proprietors. These, if Mussulmans, had the privilege of going to war: others, whether Turks or infidels, who, from choice, or from civil incapacity, devoted themselves exclusively to the arts of peace, and enjoyed their estates under the common protection of the crown, were called beledis or rayahs, and their military service was commuted by a tribute. The Mussulman proprietors of this description thus formed the national, and the feudal proprietors, the feudal militia. Enthusiasm and the hopes of [224] reward or plunder formerly collected and held together the great bodies of men, whom the Ottoman sovereigns were enabled to call into the field: but now, as it has been justly stated, if their enthusiasm do not even evaporate during the preparation for the expedition, it seldom survives their arrival at the camp, where they soon learn the difficulty of conquering, and the greater probability of being overpowered and plundered by the infidels11.

Upon a declaration of war, all the inhabitants of a district, from sixteen to sixty, are summoned to join the standard of the pasha, and to rendezvous at a certain place. The feudal soldiery join from duty, and the obligations of their charter; but the national militia consult their inclination, both as to the nature, and the term of their service. If they like the war or the commanders, they join the army; but are not, even then, obliged to serve out the campaign12. The

11See Survey of the Turkish empire, p. 69.

12"Le gouvemement militaire est devenu la constitution fondamentale de tous les états Musulmans. Chaque individn s'y recommit soldat: toujours it est prêt à prendre les armes et à marcher sous l'etendard du prophète. On doit enfin considerer la nation entière comme un grand corps d'armée dont le souverais
[225] feudal institutions were once consider with justice as the chief support of the empire: but the services of neither militia can now be depended upon when required, nor are they as advantageous, when obtained, as they formerly were. There is a general disinclination to the military service, and the obligation to remain in the field is not permanent even upon the feudal troops. Their expeditions are regulated by the festivals of the Christian saints, George and Demetrius whom they denote by the names of Hydyrliz and Cassim. A soldier is punished by mulct or disgrace, who delays to join the army beyond the twenty-third of April, old stile but having served to the twenty-sixth of October, the judge of the camp cannot re-fuse him his certificate, and he may return to his home without being subject to pain or penalty13. This radical defect, according to
est le generalissime." (Tab. Gen. t. iv, p. 202.) See also, Observations on the religion, law, &c. of the Turks, preface, p. xxv.)

13Cantemir, p. 247. "Hybernam abnunnt militiam" (Montalban. ap. Elzevir, p. 26.) If Dr. Wittman had been acquainted with this circumstance, he would have been enabled to account for a conduct which he has misrepresented from the want of such previous knowledge. "November 25th. There had been latterly frequent desertions, both from the great encampment at Jaffa, and from that of El-Arish. It ought, notwithstanding, to be observed, that these desertions were not to the
[226] the modern system of warfare, vitiates, or rather annihilates, the utility of the institution; and, though the sultans have not yet claimed the right of imposing taxes as a substitute for that of commanding the services of their subjects, they are nevertheless forced to maintain a standing army.

The military order of the janizaries was instituted in the year 768 of the Hegira, or 1362 of the Christian wra. They were first ” formed into a body of twelve thousand men, composed of captive Christians, of whom a fifth part, chosen from amongst the most. comely and most robust, were appropriated to the service of the emperor. Their education, from their childhood, was such as to inspire, them with courage and hardiness, and obedience to the strictest military discipline. Hagi Bektash, a religious Turk, famous for his miracles and prophecies, gave his benediction to the corps, at the request of Sultan Murad. Placing the sleeve of his gown on one of their heads, he prophesied, "that their hand should be victorious, their sword keen, and their spear hang over the heads of their enemies:" and his prediction was literally

common enemy, but into the interior of the country. It frequently happened, that the troops went off in large bodies." (Travels, p. 121)
[227] rally fulfilled, as long as victory depended on personal prowess, together with the skilful management of hand-arms13 Their common general is the janizar aga, whose court and palace are in the capital. His rank gives him access to his sovereign, whom he is privileged to assist in public ceremonies, as he alights from his horse. His power over the subalterns is unlimited, and supersedes that of the civil magistrate, and even of the vizir. All promotions depend on him, and he is empowered to inflict punishment, even to death, upon the disobedient soldiery.

Of the janizaries, those who are quartered in their odas (or barracks) at Constantinople, those who ate in garrison, and who have followed their kettle, are entitled to pay. Their number, according to the disbursements of the treasury, is forty thousand. In time of peace they watch over and secure the public and domestic tranquillity in the frontier and garrison towns, and exercise all the functions of police officers.

The janizaries have the privilege of being judged and punished for misconduct by their

13"Etenim post Amurathis tempora, qui pritnus janizarorum ordines instituit, nunquam eos acie integra pugnantes fuisse fugatos ifvenimus." (Jovius, Turc, rer. comment. Paris, 1538. 12mo.)
[228] own officers. The lieutenant of the company has power to put them under arrest: the place of their confinement is the kitchen, where they are left in irons under the charge of the cook. The captain may sentence them to the bastinado, and the sentence is executed under the inspection of the lieutenant. The time of inflicting the punishment is after the evening prayer: the offender is conducted to an inner chamber, and stretched out with his face towards the ground: two of the oldest janizaries hold him down by the neck and the feet: the vekil hardj (or commissary) attends with a lighted candle; and care is taken, in distributing the blows, which seldom exceed forty, not to disable the sufferer from marching. After the execution of the sentence, the lieutenant exhorts the bystanders to avoid the commission of such faults as have subjected their comrade to a disgraceful and rigorous chastisement. When, a janizary is sentenced to death, it is customary (out of respect to the corps which ought to be kept exempt from ignominy) to strike his name off the lists before his execution. Whatever crime he may have committed, his punishment is invariably that of strangling. At Constantinople the execution [229] is always performed with the greatest secrecy, and the body is thrown into the sea and carried away by the current of the Bosphorus. In provincial towns the custom is still continued of announcing the death of a janizary by firing a gun; but it has long since been abolished in the capital14.

14Marsigli, t. i, p. 75. What shall we say to Dr. Pougneville? He has worked up in his best manner a pathetic representation of his own feelings, when, in the middle of a fine night, just after the equinox of autumn, his meditations in the garden of the Seven Towers were interrupted by the report of a gun. I confess myself unequal to the task of doing justice by a translation to the doctor's description of the beauty of the scene, —the moon suspended like a chandelier in the starry vault of the sky, the oscillation of the waters of the Bosphorus, and the universal stillness of nature. The doctor was giving a loose to his imagination: he was thinking of the gayeties of Paris and the comforts of a family party, when suddenly his ears were struck with the noise of a cannon, and his hair still stands on end at the recollection. The tender hearted doctor immediately conjectured it to be a signal of distress from a vessel which was suffering shipwreck (an idea which could have occurred to no other mortal besides himself, in a night such as that which he has just described: but another gun, which re-echoed along the shores of Europe and Asia, disconcerted the doctor so much that he applied to the guards in order to learn the cause of it; and "they told him, that this dreadful language of battles announced to the vizir, who was sleeping in his harem, the execution of his orders. Some jani, zaries had just undergone the punishment of death; and their bodies delivered to the maddening currents of the Bosphorus already rolled down the Propontis." "The number of guns," the doctor observes, "corresponded with that of the persons

[230] The muster-rolls of the janizaries, as well ns those of every corps of Ottoman troops, magnify their numbers beyond the truth, for the privileges annexed to the military profession engage most of the Mussulmans to enrol themselves; but those who do not join their standard, are called yamaks and receive lno pay. The reason of their attaching them-selves to military bodies, is this; the Turkish population is divided into askeris (or warriors) and beledis (citizens or townsmen), and according to the law, a Mahometan, unconnected with any military corps, is, equally with infidels, subject to the capitation tax, and must equally contribute to all imposts on the cities, towns, or villages; and though

executed." (Voyages en Moree, &c. t. ii, p. 140.) I am sorry, that truth compels me to dissipate so pleasing a fiction. I myself was at Constantinople at the period which Dr. Pouqueville has fixed upon as the date of this event, and I know, that no gun; were fired in the night; for so unusual a circumstance would have excited universal alarm, and would have furnished conversation to the whole town. And again, even though the doctor might not have known, that the janizar aga alone has power to condemn a janizary to death, and that such executions are secretly performed in the capital, yet the guard could not have been so ilk informed as to have misled him into such inaccuracies; and the doctor himself must certainly have known, that the vizir, instead of slumbering in his harem, was in all probability kept waking with anxiety in the camp of Jaffa, and brooding over the inefficiency of his army.
[231] this law be not rigorously enforced, it still engages most Turks to enrol themselves. The embodied janizaries follow the canons of Sultan Soliman for their regulation and discipline; but the yamaks, who, though enrolled, are not embodied into odes, are dispersed throughout the empire, living as burghers, mixed with the people, and following different trades and professions, or idle vagabonds, or at best but labouring peasants.

The writers on Turkish affairs have been led into misrepresentation on this, as well as on every part of the Turkish institutions, by taking too confused a view of the subject. Sir James Porter considers the army to be composed of the body of the people, and the janizaries to amount to two or three hundred thousand men, independently of those who get themselves enrolled to enjoy the privileges. Peyssonnel supposes, that they may consist of many millions. Baron De Tott calculates them to be four hundred thousand; and finally Mr. Eton, who asserts, that he has made his calculation "from the concur-ring testimony of several persons who had the most intimate acquaintance with it, from an application of many years, and with means of acquiring the best information," computes [232] them to be an hundred and thirteen thousand four hundred15. But the number of effective

15See Observations on the religion, laws, &c. of the Turks, pre. face, p. xxiii, xxiv, and xxviii. Peyssonnel's Strictures and remarks on De Totes memoirs, appendix, p. 259. De Tott, v. iii, p. 134. Survey of the Turkish empire, p. 65.
I have quoted the precise words with which Mr. Eton pre. faces his estimate of the military force of the Turks. I have how-ever discovered with no small degree of surprize, that the estimate itself is (with the addition indeed of thirty-five men to every four companies) a copy of a schedule, which was published in a work entitled "The present state of the Ottoman empire, translated from the French manuscript of Elias Habesci, many years resident at Constantinople in the service of the Grand Signor: London, 1784." Now who is Elias Habesci, on whose labours. Mr. Eton founds his claim to the gratitude of the public? An ignorant impostor, who calls himself a Greek, and yet pretends to have written his work originally iq the Arabic language (pre-face, p. iv.); who abuses the nation to which he pretends to belong, and even dares to say (p. 367.), that "their priests are the most abominable rate of men upon earth;" an idea which perhaps was never conceived, and certainly was never expressed, by a Greek of Constantinople. But this pseudo-greek betrays himself by his language; he compares the porte to Westminster-hall, and tells us, that the Bosphorus is somewhat broader than the Thames at London (p. 354). His ignorance is unparalleled: he says (p. 422.) "the city of Constantinople has Moldavia for its boundary to the North; the Hellespont and the Black Sea on the East; Bulgaria and part of Macedonia on the West; the AEgean Sea on the South." It would be an insult to common sense to make further extracts from such a work, and I even feel it necessary by way of apology to explain, in some degree, the motives which have induced me to draw such a wretched performance from the obscurity into which it seems to have sunk from the moment of its birth. I have discovered the author by
[233] janizaries is best determined by the amount of their pay. Two thousand four hundred purses are issued every six months from the treasury; a sum which allows thirty piastres a man for an army calculated at forty thousand16. This allowance, which is commonly
the internal evidence of the book itself: but to name him would be to hold him up not only to general contempt, but to general indignation; for the book is the work of an assassin, who from his dark retreat has directed his envenomed shafts against the reputation of individuals and the peace of families. I do not however extend this censure to the author of another publication under the name of Elias Habesci, printed at Calcutta; a chaos of absurdities, which, to the disgrace of the English name in India, is dedicated, by permission, to Earl Cornwallis. This author confesses, that his real name is not Elias Habesci, which, he says, is an enigma (though probably he means an anagram) on sahib-el-sicia, which in the Arabic language, he tells us, means friend of the unfortunate; but I believe we need not seek for its derivation in the Arabic language: alias A, B, C, is the ridiculous conceit which has seduced this " par nubile fratrum" into the unbecoming practices, of which I earnestly desire they may now repent.
I omitted, in the former edition of this work, the real names of the authors alluded to in the preceding note, because I thought the allusion itself would be sufficiently intelligible. If, however, curiosity still remain ungratified, I may be allowed to mention, that not only all doubt on the subject is removed from my mind, but that the alphabetical series of the imposture is completed, by the publication of the letter to the Earl of D (London, 1807), and the acknowledgment (p. 97), that the schedule of the military force of the Turks, inserted in Habesci's work, was procured in the year 1777 by a Greek of the name of Figa.

16See in confirmation of this estimate, Montalbanus, ap. Elzevir, p. 6. Cantemir, p. 219, note 4. Sandys's travels, p. 48. ed. 1627.
[234] distributed to them in quarterly payments, was equal, at the institution of the corps, to about a shilling sterling a day; but it is now reduced, by the debasement of the coin, to about one quarter of its original value.

It is said, that " the preservation of their colours in battle is not an affair of such momentous concern with the janizaries as that of the two large copper kettles which are constantly placed in the front of the tents of each regiment, and which are accompanied by a skimmer, a ladle, and a kind of halbert. On a march their kettles are carried in front of each respective regiment, and the company, who should suffer them to be taken by the enemy, would be covered with infamy." It is from this practice, says De Tott, that the colonel is called the giver of soup, the major is stiled head of the kitchen, and the scullions and water-bearers are adjutants. But De Tote, who was himself enrolled in the company of janizaries who were garrisoned at Perecop, should have known better, or should have disdained to sacrifice truth to such a pitiful jest. The captain or commander of a company is indeed called tchorbaji, probably from his superintending the distribution of the daily rations of soup to the men, but no other [235] subaltern officer is distinguished by a name denoting menial occupations.. The cook is simply called by his proper appellation, although he occasionally acts in the capacity of a gaoler17.

In Constantinople the janizaries receive their pay within the second court of the seraglio. The money, which is put in bags of yellow leather, each of which contains five hundred piastres, is first brought into the divan, and the purses are piled up in heaps before the vizir: it is then told out and distributed in proportionate lots to the tchorbajis of the different odas. The bags composing each of these lots are laid on the pavement before the door of the divan, and on a signal being given, the janizaries of the company appointed to receive them rush forward, and each man endeavours to collect as many

17(See Marsigli, t. i, p. 69. Dr. Wittman's Travels, p. 236. De Tott's Memoirs, v. ii, p. 70, and v. iii, p, 106.) The officers belonging to each company of janizaries are distinguished, by the following names. Tchorbaji, or captain; oda bashi, lieu-tenant (literally the head of the chamber); vekil hardj, commissary; bairactert ensign; bash eski, standard-bearer (literally the head of the veterans, from the office being generally conferred oil the oldest janizary of the company); and aschgi, or cook. The superior officers, from the janizar aga to the chaoush (who may be considered as an adjutant), have titles which accurately express the nature or duties of their respective posts,
[236] purses as possible, although he derives no other advantage from it, than the honour of carrying them on his shoulder to the barracks, where the distribution of their pay is made to the privates.

An indiscriminate censure has been passed on the whole body of janizaries, from an observation of that part, which is only nominally attached to it. Their degeneracy is differently accounted for; by some it is attributed to their being for the greater part married and settled; to their practising mechanical arts; to their being allowed to exempt themselves from military service for money, or under various pretences; to their enrolling their children in their company or oda; and to their being enervated by the luxury of the capital and weakened by indolence18. But individually considered, the janizaries are in

18I have copied these reproaches verbatim from the works of modern travellers; but the reproaches' themselves are not of modern invention, for I find them expressed to the same effect in a treatise (Ex politeia regia) in Elzevir's collection. "Hxe militia nostro tempore multum eviluit, quia etiam Turca; in janizzaros assumuntur, sunt et Asiatici, quum primum non alii quam Christiani Europa; admitterentur: deinde, quia uxores ducunt, prxter antiquum morem, nec id ipsis vetitum est: turn, quod propter Iongam moram Constantinopoli (qua non alia orbs magis est deliciis dedita) multum viluerunt: segniores insokntes, info intolerabiles evaserunt."
[237] no respect inferior to the Christian soldiers, either in bodily strength, in the capacity of supporting fatigue, or in promptitude of obedience to their officers19. The luxury of the capital, the least luxurious in Europe, can scarcely have an enervating effect on men whose pay, even when augmented by the profits of labour, can with difficulty procure them the necessaries of life. I rather impute their present inferiority to the insufficiency of the constitutional laws of their establishment, which, from the prejudice against innovation, it has been found impossible to new-model, and which did not provide for future improvement, proportionate to the progress of European tactics. Their ancient discipline has been relaxed from an experience of its insufficiency; and their past reputation has now no other support than native valour and
19"I jenizeri anno avuto sempre per iscopo la dipendenza totale de' loro uffiziali; perciò nelle lore operazioni si sono resi in ogni tempo illustri." (Marsigli, t. i, p. 69.) "Du reste on se peut souhaiter dans des troupes plus de discipline, d'obéissanae, de ponctualité et de respect pour leurs officiers." (D'Arvieux, t. i, p. 448.) "Tribus vero de causis Turcæ, quam milites nostris meliores sent, prima est, quia prompte obediunt imperantibus: quod inter nostros rara Tertia, quia absque pane et absque vino diu vivere possunt, oriza et aqua contenti. Sýpenumero etiam æquo animo cerent carnibus." (Jovius, Turc. xer. comment. p. 49.)
[238] enthusiasm, dispirited and overawed by the wonders of modern warfare, and the acknowledged superiority of European sciences.

The sultans themselves have been accused of bastardizing and rendering contemptible the corps of janizaries, by cutting off the most eminent of their leaders, and supplying their places with the meanest creatures "of their court, and by introducing among the soldiery men occupied in the lowest employments, and stained with the most infamous crimes, till at length they have succeeded in extinguishing every spark of that fire which alarmed their fears20. The historical event to which Mr. Eton seems to allude, is the conduct of Ahmed the Third, who in the year 1703 succeeded to the throne, after the deposition of his brother Mustafa. The dethroned sultan communicated to his successor, together with the tidings of his elevation, the admonition not to suffer the treacherous rebels, the instruments of his advancement, to escape with impunity; and although Ahmed, by inheriting his resentment, certainly contributed to the debility of the empire, yet his revenge was directed, not against

20Survey of the Turkish empire, p. 29.
[239] the institution of the jamzaries, but against the promoters of the insurrection, in whatever department of the state, who might be tempted, by the success of their late rebellion, to plot new treason against himself21. We learn indeed from history, that the power, and consequent insolence, of the janizaries have frequently excited in the sultans apprehensions as to their personal safety, and have induced them to attempt by secret and insidious measures to weaken their authority, or even to abolish the order. Osman the Second was suspected of concealing, under the avowed intention of performing the pilgrimage to Mecca and of paying his devotions at the tomb of Mahomet, the design of aiming at the destruction of the corps of janizaries with the aid of a new militia, which he purposed to establish in Egypt. The ulema, the ministers of state, and the officers of the army, remonstrated in vain: the sultan persisted in his pious design; but his violent
21" Le nouveau sultan, pour toute récompense d'une couronne qu'il devoit aux ministres, aux généraux, aux officiers des janissaires, enfin à ceux qui avoient eu part à la révolution, les fit tous périr les uns après les autres, de peur qu'un jour ils n'en tentassent tine seconde. Par le sacrifice de taut de braves Bens it affoiblit les forces de l'empire; mais il affermit son trône, du moins pour quelques années." (Voltaire, Hist. de Charles XII, liv. iv.)
[240] deposition and premature death more firmly riveted the power, and confirmed the arrogance, of the janizaries22. Mahomet the Fourth, urged by similar motives of jealousy, is said to have given the first mortal blow to the power and reputation of the janizaries, By the advice of his grand vizir Kioprili Oglu, he connived at the introduction of abuses into their establishment. The daily exercises of the different companies were no longer rigorously enforced, nor the reviews at stated periods regularly observed. The soldiers sunk into indolence 23 : they consumed in sloth and dissipation the hours which ought to have been devoted to discipline and the military duties : they even quitted the laborious exercise of arms to follow mechanical or other lucrative occupations24. To this cause Count Marsigli, who surveyed the military state of the Ottoman empire in the camps and capital of Mahomet the Fourth, imputes. the discredit into which the janizaries had already fallen. He must indeed be allowed to be a competent judge of the effects of that
22Tableau Général, t. i, p. 409.

23"Ut armorum desuetudine longa imbelles redderentur arrant namque otia Turcæ." (Montalban. ap. Elzevir, p. 98.)

24Stato militare dell' impèrio Ottomanno, t. u, p. 5.
[241] negligence which he condemns; but he may perhaps err in attributing to the jealousy or timidity of Mahomet the deterioration of this military order. The whole reign of Sultan Mahomet was passed in war, and his authority with the army was so great that, when at last he was irritated by the obstacles and delays which had protracted the siege of Candia, he ordered it to be proclaimed in the camp, that not a soldier should appear alive in his presence, unless the city was taken; and such was the effect of his menace, that the Turks, by a more vigorous effort, effected the reduction of a place which had occupied the chief force of the empire during the long interval of thirty years25. It is possible, that under Mahomet less attention was paid to the discipline of the janizaries, and that less care was bestowed on the choice and education of recruits ; but I think it by no means probable, that his conduct was dictated by fear, or by a deliberate wish to en-feeble the forces of his empire26.
25Cantemir's Ottorrfan history, p. 258, note 1.

26The Venetian bailo (who appears from a passage in his memorial, p. 117, to have written it soon after the conquest of Cyprus in the reign of Selim the Second, and more than a century before the vizirahip of Kioprili 0glu) describes the janizaries as

[242] To the care which was formerly bestowed during the noviciate on habitual preparation for the hardships of the military life, and to the strictness and severity of subsequent discipline, may be ascribed the martial character and long supported reputation of the janizaries. The boy destined to be enrolled in this honourable corps was chosen on account of his athletic make and vigorous constitution: he was instructed and trained with as much care as were the Roman soldiers. The corps of agemoglans was the great school whence alone it was lawful to select recruits for the army of the janizaries.

The constitutional laws established by Sultan Murad, the founder of this military Institution, directed, that no one should be received among the janizaries unless he were of the race of the versemé (tributary children), and had been previously educated among the agemoglans27. The custom which was first introduced by that monarch of keeping up

having already fallen from the virtue and merit of their predecessors; and consequently, as their debasement was confessedly gradual, it cannot be wholly imputed to Mahomet the Fourth. "Antiquam nihilominus virtutem deserentes, paulatim corrumpi videntor: propterea. quod plerique Turcarum OH, qui militariter educati non Bunt, ad hujusmodi milldam passim admittuntur; ac proinde ita perfeeti non; ez/adunt, ut veteres fuere janizzari, qui es admirandasgessere." (Relat. incert. ap. Elzevir, p. 122.)

27See Marsigli, t. i, p.67.
[243] the number of the janizaries by a seizure of every fifth prisoner, fell gradually into disuse, probably on account of the discontents which it occasioned among the captors. When it was abolished, a tax of five piastres a head was levied on all slaves brought into the city for sale: But the necessity for increasing the standing army afterwards gave birth to a new law which ordained, that the tenth son of the Christian subjects of Greece and Romelia should be taken for the service of the sultan, and en-rolled among the agemoglans28.

28See Cantemir, p. 88, note 12. I have followed Cantemir in his account of this conscription; but it may be necessary to show in what particulars he differs from other authors. Busbequius, (de re mil. cont. Turc. instit. consilium, p. 298) says, " Mittit quotannis Turcarum princeps certos homines in diversas provincias, qui de paucis e Christianis hominibus natis tertium aut quartum quemque legant," Rycaut (p. 80.) says, "It was the custom formerly amongst the Turks every five years to take away the Christians childrep:" In this particular Rycaut's testimony is confirmed by a work entitled "La genealogie du grand Turc, et la dignite des offices, et ordre de sa court, avec l'origine des princes, et la maniere de vivre, et cerimonie des Turcz. A Lyon, par Benoist Rigaud, 1570," but it differs somewhat from the account given by the author of the letter written from Turkey in the year 1527. "Item il fault tousjours donner de trois filz lung a lempereur et ont ses ppascha le choix lequel quilz veullent prendres et diceulx enfans lempereur en faict des gens de guerre quilz nom. me janitzery: les ungs a chevaulx les austres de piedz selon que on appèrcoit son inclination."

[244] An inference has been drawn, from the operation of this law having been confined to Europe, that theTurks had learned from experience, that soldiers were not to be sought in the climates of effeminate Asia29. But whatever inferiority might anciently have been discovered in the Asiatics, when softened by the long enjoyment of riches and tranquillity, and the enervating effects of a despotic government, it is now obvious to common observation, and is confirmed by the events of the Otto-man history, that the Turkish subjects of the Asiatic provinces are not less hardy and war-like than the bravest of the Europeans30. Sultan Murad could never have intended, by limiting his claim only to the prisoners made in Europe, to cast reproach on the continent which had given birth to his ancestors, and to "infer, that the native Turks were inferior in military capacity to the nations whom they had subdued. Conquest had already diminished the captives of Asia, and the more extensive propagation of the Mahometan faith in that division of the empire, did not permit the same stretch of authority over, the strongest and tenderest affections of nature.

29 Gibbon, V. xii, p. 59.

30f See Volney, voyage en Syrie et en Egypte, t. ii, chap. xi.
[245] The inhumanity of this tribute, which was sufficiently grievous in itself, was augmented by the unrestrained abuse of power in the officers appointed to collect it. They not only selected those children whom the parents appeared most anxious to retain, but they far exceeded the number which they were authorized to levy, and thus be-came rich from the sums which they exacted for the admission of substitutes, or for the redemption of the supernumeraries31. The rayahs complained during a long peri9d, but their complaints were unheard or disregarded. The custom was, however, finally, though gradually, abolished by Murad the Fourth, at the instance of the feudal proprietors, who at length discovered, that the value of their estates was diminished by the oppression of the cultivatorst32.

When once enrolled in the books of the agennoglans, the youth were placed in the service of the prince or his pashas, or delivered over for a term of years to serve under the Mussulman peasantry in the labours of

31"Car un pauuvre Chrestien despendra aucunesfois tout ce qu'il a au monde à ce qu'il ne perde son fils et avec ce son ame," (Généalogie du grand Turc, &c. p. 53.)

32See Marsigli, t. i, p. 27. Cantemir, p. 255, note 1.
[246] agriculture, and to be initiated in the doc, trines of islamism: their bodies were thus habituated to endure the inclemencies of the seasons, and to undergo the fatigues of war: they were prepared by penury and abstinence to support hunger and thirst, and were improved in obedience by the discipline of servitude. Their masters were summoned to produce them whenever the service required supplies, and they were drafted into the chambers or companies of the janizaries. Those who had been received into the sultan's household, were employed in the laborious services of the seraglio; in cleaving wood for the use of the kitchen, or in rowing the gallies across the Propontis to load and transport, from the coasts of Asia Minor, the materials necessary for the repairs of the palace or the construction of public edifices; six hundred were employed under the carpenters and caulkers in the imperial dock-yards; and upwards of ten thousand, under the name of bastanjis or gardeners, were distributed in the seraglio, and other palaces of the sultan in Asia and Europe. On the first admission of a recruit among the janizaries, he performed the menial services of the kitchen and offices; but at the same [247] time he was daily initiated in military exercises and the use of arms by the most skilful of his comrades. His pay was gradually augmented, but he was not admitted to a perfect equality with the other janizaries, or considered deserving of the pay of a veteran, until he had signalized his courage in actual warfare33. A spirit of emulation was thus diffused among the troops, and cherished by successive promotions; nor were military honours their only recompense: there are examples in history of men being raised from the ranks to the highest dignities in the state, and Soliman the First even gave his sister in marriage to Ibrahim, whom, from a private of the nihth company of janizaries, he had created grand vizir34.

It is the opinion of an impartial observer that "the janizaries of the present day, however they may have relaxed from the discipline which in ancient times rendered theirs so formidable, may still be considered as the most select and regular of the Turkish troops, They are at the same time better and more

33See Busbeq. de re mil. cont. Turc. instit. consilium, p. 298 x, 503. Marsigli, t. 1, p. 77. Rycaut, chap, x.

34Cantemir's Ottoman history, p. 178.
[248] uniformly dressed and equipped than the other soldiers35."

The body of janizkries is divided into a hundred and ninety-six companies, which are distinguished by the devices on their colours, and by numerical order, according to the arrangement of their respective chambers in the barracks at Constantinople and that of their tents in the field: certain companies have likewise names descriptive of the offices which they hold in the court of the sultan, and the privileges with which they are honoured36. Some companies, from the merit of former services, enjoy a kind of hereditary pre-eminence, particularly the thirty-first, The order of janizaries furnishes also the only

35Dr. Wittman's Travels, p. 235.

36The janizaries of the 64th are called zagargis, keepers of the sultan's hounds: the 71st are called samsongis, keepers of the mastiffs. In like manner the tumagis, keepers of the greyhounds and falcons, are the 68th company. The seymeny avgilar, huntsmen or sportsmen, are the 14th, 35th, and 49th. The captain of the 35th must have previously passed through all the ranks and offices of the company; and the oda bath; pr lieutenant of the same company is the only one of that rank to whom it is permitted to marry. The solaks of the 62d and 63d march on each side of the sultan: their name, which is derived from so! the left hand, is given to them from their being equally expert in the use of their bows with either hand, so as never to turn their backs toward the sultan. (See Marsigli, t. 1, p. 71.)
[249] example of public anathema, or excommunication, in the whole history of the Ottomans. In the insurrection which dethroned Osman the Second a soldier of the sixty-fifth dared to lift his impious hand against the person of his fallen monarch, and insulted over his misfortune in the public streets of the city. Murad the Fourth, the brother and successor of Osman, punished the sacrilege by annihilating the company. The memory of the crime and the punishment is preserved and renewed twice in every month. On the Wednesday, when the distribution of candles is made to the different chambers, the sixty-fifth is summoned to receive its ration ; but at the second citation, an officer solemnly pronounces, "let its voice be silenced; let it utterly perish37."

37Tableau General, t. 1, p. 299.,—It would be an injustice to the body pf the janizaries, were I thus to leave them under the imputation of mutiny and rebellion, without extenuating, in some degree, the conduct which stains the annals of their earlier history, by confronting it with that of the modern janizaries. Dr. Wittman (p. 206.) relates the circumstances of an insurrection occasioned by a scarcity in the camp at Jaffa. "In the midst of their discontent they were willing, they said, to agree to two things, namely, that the English should have barley for their horses, because they were good friends; and that, the horses which drew the guns should also be furnished, with provender, as

[250] The janizaries form the principal branch of that division of the Turkish army which is distinguished from the toprakly, or feudal militia, by the appellation of capiculy, a word which properly signifies a slave of the porte, but which nearly corresponds with the modern term of soldier, inasmuch as it de-motes that class of troops who receive their tovais, pay from the treasury of the prince. Next to the janizaries, the most important military establishment upheld by the Ottoman porte is that of the topgis (gunners or artillery-men), whose number is not fixed in the canon nameh of Sultan Soliman, but they are stated in the account of a modern traveller, who possessed talents of the first rank and all the means of acquiring information, to consist of thirty thousand men, dispersed throughout the empire like the janizaries, and obliged to join their standard when ordered38. Their general is the topgi bashi, whose authority is absolute in the different departments. The

such a supply was necessary to the public service: but they could not consent, that any part of what was in store should be iasued for the use of the great officers of state, as they could afford to make the requisite purchases."

38 Olivier, Travels in the Ottoman empire, Egypt, and Persia, v. i, p. 195.
[251] barracks of the topgis, and the principal foundery of cannon, are situated on the northern shore at the entrance of the hare hour of Constantinople, opposite to the seraglio, in the district called Tophana. The superintendance of the topgi bashi extends to all the fortresses and garrison-towns of the empire, which he supplies, according to the orders of the grand yizir, with artillery stores and ammunition, and keeps a register of the state of their respective magazines, The service of the topgis is not confined to the exercise of the great guns: part of them are employed in the foundery, and others fort a corps of artificers, and construct gun-carriages and artillery waggons. De Tott describes the topgis as being subject to no discipline and never embodied, although forty thousand were enrolled and paid. It is to himself, we are told, that the Turks are indebted for the establishment of a new corps of artillery, for whose regulation he drew up a code, which was sanctioned with all due formality by the grand signor. I know not whether this account be exact or not; but pertain it is, that the Turkish topgis of the present day, compared with those whom De Tott describes, are prodigies of improvement. [252] "The officers of the British military detachment witnessed the artillery practice, and found it better than they had been led to expect. The Turkish artillery-men beat down the target several times, and their mortar-practice was by no means contemptible39."

The gehegis, or armourers have their bar-racks in Constantinople near the mosque of Sancta Sophia: they are divided into sixty odas: they guard the public arsenal or repository of arms, gebhaneh, and their duty is to furbish and keep in proper order the different warlike instruments, and to distribute them on the day of battle to the janizaries. Their number is not correctly ascertained, but the sum appropriated for their annual pay is registered in the canon nameh at a hundred and ninety-two purses, or ninety-six thousand rixdollars40.

"The Ottomans," says Dr. Wittman, "have introduced into their armies, among other beneficial regulations, the establishment of a corps of sakkas, or water-carriers, who attend in the field and on a march to supply the troops with water." Their number

39See De Tott, v. iii, p. 132. Dr. Wittman's Travels, p. 8.

40Marsigli, t. i, p. 83.
[253] is unfixed, and they have no particular effacers among them; but they obey the officer of the company to which they are attached. They carry water in leathern budgets slung across a horse, and as the consumption of water in a Turkish camp is prodigious, on account of the frequent ablutions which the Mahometan religion enjoins, the sakkas are in constant activity, and are distinguishable, even in a Turkish army, by the darker tinge of their complexion41.

Among the capiculy are also to be comprehended a corps of cavalry, consisting of fifteen thousand men, divided into spahis of the right, and left, wing, and distinguished by their red, or yellow, standards: they are paid out of the public treasury, from which two thousand and seventy purses are annually issued, and distributed among them in quarterly payments. The reputation of the Turkish cavalry has thrown lustre on the history of their armies, and perhaps, when in its most flourishing state, it was not inferior to that of the Mamelukes, which Denon calls the best cavalry of the East, and per-

41See Dr. Wittman's Travels, p. 303. Marsigli, t. i, p. 80.
[254] are, daily resorted to in Constantinople, as in every popylous and luxurious capital.

If a Christian be detected in a criminal intercourse with a Turkish woman, he is obliged not only to marry her, but to espouse her religion, otherwise he is irremissibly condemned to death42. The only intrigue with a foreigner ever mentioned to me on undoubted authority, and with circumstances analogous to Turkish customs, was with an English officer, employed in the Turkish service at Ruschiuk on the Danube during the last Russian war; and nothing could be more simple than its contricance. The lady, who knew no language but the whose knowledge of the language did not facilitate communication between them: the exposure of her visit. Their intimacy was detected: the gentleman sought protection from Sir Rober Marry Keith, who was

42Lord Sandwich says (p. 158), that "their measures for procuring opportunities of frequent interviews are always so well laid that a discovery is next to impossible." But, as his lordship candidly confesses, that he does not speak from his own experience, his testimony only authorizes a suspicion, that a secret so well kept has no foundation in reality.
[255] then negociating the peace at Sistove, and the lady, as he afterwards heard, justified her conduct, or at least was pardoned by her husband.

It cannot be denied, that the severity of the Turkish institutions must be productive of incorrectness of taste and irregularity of conduct in both sexes43. Whether these partial inconveniences are overbalanced by more general advantages, it would be a matter of great difficulty and delicacy to decide. The great corrective of public depravity is domestic manners, and if the women be too scrupulously, yet they are effectually, removed from the chief seductions to irregularity. The interior of their houses is pure and untainted with vice and obscenity. Domestic virtue is honoured with public approvat

43"Cum vero vulgus mulierum promiscuis sui sexus balneis utatur, eo plures, cum servae tum liberae, aggregantur; in quibus puellae multae sunt eximia forma, ex diversis orbis regionibus variis casibus collectae, quae cum nudae ut in balneis reliquarum oculis exponantur, miros n quibusdam excitant amores, nihilo minores quam quibus qaud nos adolescentim animos virgines commovent." (Busbeq. Eqist. ii, p. 122.)

"Quod de mulieribus, idem et de pueris sentiunt, quorum amoribus, si qua alia gens, praecipue Turcae indulgent." (Georgii Dousae iter Constant. ap. Gronovium, t. vi, p. 3350.)

[256] Constantinople, in the French language, an account of the military establishments of the empire; but their effective force may be better estimated from the inefficiency of their operations, in conjunction with the allies, during the late Egyptian campaign.

General Koehler, who afterwards commanded the British detachment which joined the grand vizir's army in the expedition against the French in Egypt, mentioned to me, that he had made inquiry of a renegado from our own country named Inguiliz Mustafa, respecting the order observed in the arrangement of a Turkish camp, and that Mustafa answered only by scattering about on the table a quantity of the small pieces of Turkish money called paras. But Mustafa, from a long residence among the Turks, had adopted so much of the figurative inaccuracy of Oriental language, that he willingly sacrificed a considerable portion of truth to the attainment of a jest, or a conceit. As such his reply must be allowed to possess some merit, particularly, as it does not ill describe that general state of confusion which has been observed of late years to exist in the camps of the Ottomans; but we shall err if we adopt as a certain truth, what should be [257] considered only as a sally of the imagination.

"The Turkish troops at Jaffa were oh-'served to be encamped in the most confused and irregular manner, without any order in, the positions' they occupied; each individual having pitched his tent on the spot which was most agreeable to his inclination. The only regulation, that seemed to border some-what on system, was that each pasha was surrounded by his own men. The carcasses of dead animals, such as camels and horses, were scattered in great abundance among the tents, and mouldered away without giving the smallest concern, or occasioning. any apparent inconvenience to the Turkish soldiery44." It may perhaps be thought not uninteresting, to confront with this accurate description of the last Turkish camp which was formed the account which has been given of that of Soliman by Baron Busbeck, who surveyed it, by permission of the grand vizir, in the disguise of an oriental dress. This afforded him ample opportunity for making observations, and at the same time screened him from the impertinent curiosity of the

44Dr. Wittman's Travels, p. 121, 123. VOL. I.
[258] Turkish soldiers. He found the different bodies of infantry and cavalry arranged in the most admirable order: the most respectful silence and decency of behaviour prevailed in the camp: there was no brawling nor contention, no drunkenness nor licentiousness. But that which he chiefly commends, is their great attention to cleanliness: every thing, he says, which could offend the senses. was carefully removed out of sight, or buried in the earth45.

When the formation of a camp is deter-mined upon, for the purpose of collecting an army previously to its marching to the scene of action, a proclamation is issued to all the pashas and military governors, summoning there to repair to the imperial standard, with their respective bodies of troops.

According to an invariable rule, when the sultan or the grand vizir takes the field, their tents are pitched on the plains nearest to the imperial residence, and on that continent in Which the war is to be prosecuted: the place of general rendezvous is indicated by their standards, consisting of seven, or of five, horse-tails. The troops from the different

45Busbeq. Epist. iii, p. 167.
[259] provinces muster at the appointed time, and arrive at the destined place, either singly, or in small bands formed from motives of private convenience and held together by mutual consent: so that this operation among the Turks, from the little order which is observed in it, cannot be considered as a military movement.

The routes of the troops from the most distant provinces are traced out according to the direction of the high roads. The pasha of Anatolia, when the war is in Europe, crosses the Bosphorus from Scutari, and forms his camp in the environs of Constantinople, keeping the city on his left liar. The troops of Media cross the Hellespont at Gallipoli, and leaving Adrianople on their right, march towards Philippopolis, where they wait for, or join, the grand army, Those from Aleppo, Damascus, and Egypt, embark at the nearest sea ports and proceed to Salonica in Macedonia: their cavalry how-ever performs the journey by land, and passes over into Europe through Gallipoli.

From Salonica the Asiatic and Egyptian troops continue their march, through the city of Sophia and the valley formed by the river Vardar, to the borders of Lower Al- [260] bania, where they encamp in the plains of Nissa, and are joined .by the Albanians who descend from the high mountains of their province. Those of Bosnia cross the Save at Brod, and are joined by different small companies of Sciavonians, with whom they proceed to the general rendezvous. Rycaut asserts, that " no abuses are committed on the people in the march of a Turkish army; all is bought, and paid with money, as by travellers that are guests at an inn ; there are no complaints by mothers of the rape of their virgin daughters, no violences or robberies offered on the inhabitants." And it must be observed, that Rycaut spake from experience; for he was sent by the English ambassador, the Earl of Winchelsea, to meet the grand vizir on his return from the wars in Hungary, and he not only remained several days in the camp, but returned together with the army from Belgrade in Servia to Adrianople46. But though the presence of the vizir, and the severity of the discipline established by him, might, in this instance, have enforced due subordination and proper conduct during the march of his army, yet a contrary practice

46Present state of the Ottoman Empire, p. 205.
[261] seems not only to have prevailed, but even to have been connived at by government, during the irregular marches of troops to join the great body of the army. Their progress has been compared to that of a torrent of burning lava. I have myself seen a small part of the devastation which they occasion, and have witnessed the cruelties which they commit. It is true, that in their journies they avoid molesting the Turkish inhabitants, but they enter into the villages and the cottages of the rayahs as into their own houses, and not only apply to their own use or to their own pleasure whatever attracts their attention, but exact a pecuniary recompense for the wear of their teeth, in return for their violation of the rights of hospitality. This I have seen; and I have also seen the inhabit-ants of a populous village abandon their houses, and fly to the mountains or the woods with their families and household furniture, disperse their herds of cattle, and bury their corn in pits, to avoid the ravages of a company of twenty warriors of whose approach they had received previous intimation.

The troops destined to compose the Ottoman army under the command of the pashas, beys, and other officers, are already in full [262] march on every side to reach the, place as-signed them for a rendezvous, when the grand vizir, in the beginning of the month of May, takes public leave of the sultan, and proceeds to his head quarters in the camp, with a suite of about three or four thousand men. "It is impossible," says, Dr. Wittman, " to contemplate these pompous ceremonies, and not to contrast them with the secrecy and silence with which the first movements of European armies are undertaken. It must be a trifling nation which can delay an expedition of importance, even for a single day, lest some little rite or ceremony should be omitted: and it is truly impolitic thus to advertise an enemy, for even months beforehand, of the advance of an army47." The observation, such as it is, is not to be attributed to Dr. Wittman, for he had not arrived at Constantinople when the yizir passed over to the camp at Scutari: but the charge against the Turks appears frivolous and unfounded, for whatever. ceremonies may precede the vizir's quitting the capital in order to put himself at the head of the army, they do not serve to convey more

47Dr. Wittman's Travels, p.10.
[263] speedy or more correct intelligence of such an event than an official notice to the same effect in the court gazette: and to require, that the vizir and the grand army should steal out from the extremity of Europe, and fall unawares upon a vigilant enemy on the confines of Africa, is, I think, imposing on the Turks a task, which find it impossible to perform. The grand vizir first encamps in the neighbourhood of Constantinople, in the plains about Daout Pasha. The office of conakgi bashi corresponds with that of quarter-master-general in our service. The importance of his duties must be evident, when it is considered how much the safety and prosperity of an army depend upon an intelligent system of castrametation. Every body knows, that a camp planned by able and experienced generals is as the order of battle: but that of the Turks is too frequently only a confused heap of tents and baggage, traced out in the form of a crescent, but huddled together without order or regularity, Such negligence, which nothing can excuse, becomes more deserving of consure, when it is considered. [264] dered, that it is a dereliction of ancient practice, a deviation from the military statutes of their ancestors. The conakgi bashi, having received his orders from the vizir, or in the vizir's absence, from the sevaskier (or general in chief), proceeds to trace out the camp, accompanied by the conakgis of the different pashas. The written orders delivered to the conakgi basli relate only to the distribution of the janizaries, the infanfry of the serratculy, the artillery, and the cavalry of the capiculy. As for the toprakly cavalry, the ammunition and provision waggons, and the head-quarters of the grand vizir, their stations are always uniformly ascertained, what-ever may be the general plan of the cane. The central point, and that which determines the relative position of every other part of the army, is the tent called leylek tcliadir (tent of the stork). It is higher than any other tent, and is erected on a single pole, which is painted red and supports a ball or globe of the same colour. Under the leylek tclzadir the divan assembles, the councils of war are held, and justice is administered. In the front of it is the place of public execution, where death or lighter punishments are [265] inflicted; and there also the heads are exposed of those who have been pat to death in the provinces.

When the sultan takes the field, the lerglek tchadir is covered with cloth of different colours, white, green, and red. When his Highness does not head. the army, the tent of the grand vizir, which is formed on the same plan as that of the sultan, is situated immediately behind the leylek tchadir; the tents of the officers of his household, and the extensive stables for his horses are adjoining to the head-quarters. The military chests are piled up in front of the leylek tchadir. The officers of the treasury and the chancery, the cazy-askers, the imams, and the kubbeh vizirs occupy tents disposed in right lines, so as to form streets leading to the vizir's pavillion. The baggage and ammunition waggons are placed in a circle, which encloses the head-quarters of the grand vizir and the body of the camp.

The spahis of the capiculy are divided into two bodies, and posted on the right and left wings; the artillery and the toprakly infantry form a line in front; and the toprakly cavalry, headed by their respective pashas, are arranged in a semicircle which makes [266] the exterior boundary of the tamp. Between the head-quarters and the advanced guard, which is commanded by the janizar aga, are two corps of cavalry, whose horses are kept constantly saddled: the camp of the rear guard is also removed to a certain distance from the main body.

Such was formerly the general arrangement of the camp, which has been admired by military observers for the grandeur of its appearance which corresponded with that of a beautiful city: the tents of the chief officers resembling the palaces and mosques, those of the soldiers the private houses, while those of the tradesmen were disposed in imitation of a bazar or market place. But as to any order in the arrangement of the tents, it appears to have been unknown or disregarded: they were turned to the right or the left, according to accident or caprice; and the tents of the pashas themselves, though distinguished from those of the privates by their shape and size, and the ensigns of their dignity which were planted in front of them, indicated nevertheless the same contempt of method and regularity.

The stately pavillion of the grand vizir is not less distinguished from those of the principal [267] officers of the porte by richness of ornament than by its spacious dimensions. It has been described as surpassing the magnificence of a palace the materials being of the most costly stuffs, and the furniture resplenient,with gold and jewels. For though the precepts of the Mahometan religion prohibit the men from indulging in the vanity and luxury of personal ornament, yet the Turks display in their armies a magnificence entirely opposite to the modesty of their usual appearance. The officers of the cavalry are mounted on horses whose harness is studded with gold and silver, and covered with housings of the most costly embroidery. The arms, the chief boast of the soldier, are in most instances provided by himself, and adorned with a profusion of expense.

The insignia of a vizir, governor of a province, are---the alem, a large broad standard, the staff of which, instead of a spear-head, is surmounted with a silver plate in the form of a crescent ;—the tabl, or military music, consisting of nine drums, nine fifes, seven trumpets, and four cymbals ;---the tugh, consisting of three horse-tails artificially plaited ;—one sanjac, or standard, of green silk, and of the same forma and size with Maho- [268] met's standard ;--and two large standards called bairak. Other pashas, who are not honoured with the title of vizir, have two horse-tails with the other insignia. A bey has but one horse-tail, together with the standard, Agas, and others of an inferior order, are allowed only one sanjac, and no horse-tails.

The bash-tchadir, or pavillion of the grand vizir erected in the body of the camp, is encircled by canvas, so disposed as to resemble in some degree the walls and battlements of a castle, and so high as not to be overlooked. The chief advantage of this kind of intrenchment is, however, that it prevents the inconvenience or disturbance which might be occasioned by men or other animals stumbling in the night time over the cords of the tent.

The pashas also surround their tents with an enclosure of the same kind, but only breast high, lest, by too close an imitation of the magnificence of the vizir, they might seem to fail in the respect which is due to. his exalted station. The tents are heavy and bulky: the conveyance of them occupies a considerable number of camels, horses, and mules, besides waggons drawn by oxen and buffaloes; so that if we form our opinion of [269] the expedition of the Turks in their military operations from the nature of the animals which they employ, it must necessarily be unfavourable. As it requires a length of time to erect these moveable palaces, it is customary to have always two sets of tents, one of which is sent on the day before, so as to be prepared and ready for the reception of the grand vizir and the pashas on their arrival. The exterior ornaments of the bash tchadir, are a globe of gilded copper supporting a crescent, and a green cotton cloth which is spread over the upper part of the tent: the stakes and props are painted of the same colour; and an ornament peculiar to the grand vizir's tent, which no other officer libwever elevated in dignity dares assume, are garlands or festoons of crimson fringe, which are suspended between the stakes of the exterior enclosure and the poles or columns which support the tent.

The grand vizir's tent is open towards the direction of the line of march of the army, and his tughs, or horse-tails, are planted on each side of the entrance. The ground in the inside of the tent is covered over with carpets, and surrounded on three sides with an elegant sopha. It is hung round with a kind [270] of patchwork tapestry, composed of different pieces of stuffs of various colours, sewed together so as to represent wreaths of flowers and branches of trees. All the other tents of the people of rank are decorated in the same taste, and furnished in the same manner, but with more or less splendour, according to the dignity and authority of those who occupy them. Even the tents of the common men have their sheep skins, and cushions stuffed with wool or hemp, which answer the purposes of a sopha.

The due supply of the army with provisions, as it is an object of the first importance, was formerly regulated with judgment and enforced with severity. Proper officers were appointed, and furnished with money, to procure, from the provinces nearest to the seat of war, the cattle and other necessary provisions, at a maximum fixed by the sultan's order. The pashas provided for themselves and their followers on the same terms as the sultan, who only furnished them with waggons, and other means of conveyance. But it appears from the report of Baron de Tott, that such is the ignorance or want of foresight of the commanders that, in their late campaigns, this essential [271] duty was so ill performed that the Ottoman army was always placed in the extremes of excess and waste, or of want and discontent; and Dr. Wittman likewise observed in the camp at Jaffe, that every essential arrangement in the establishment, of depots and magazines was neglected.

Busbequius, in his survey of the Turkish camp, examined the state of the butchery, where sheep and cattle were killed and distributed to the janizaries. He expressed surprize at the small quantity of animal food consumed by them, for there were not more than four or five sheep for upwards of four thousand men. He was told, that in general they preferred making' use of the stock of provisions brought from. Constantinople; and on inquring of what those provisions consisted, they pointed out to him a janizary, who was preparing in an earthen dish a mixture of different kinds of vegetables with a sauce of vinegar and salt: "but hunger," says Busbequius, "gave it its truest seasoning, and to the abstemious soldier it appeared more delicious than pheasants and partridges to panpered luxury48." His drink was the

48Besbeq. Epist. iii, p. 167.
[272] wholesome beverage of nature. Wine was strictly prohibited to be brought into the camp, and so sensible were the Turks of the irregularities which the free use of wine introduces among soldiers, that officers were usually despatched to shut up the taverns, and to forbid by proclamation the sale of wine, in any town through which the army was to pass. The provisions furnished at the expense of government are, flour, bread, biscuit, rice, bulgur (or husked wheat), butter, and meat, for the men, and barley for the horses. When circumstances permit they bake fresh bread every day, in ovens dug in the earth, and distribute it to the soldiers in portions of a hundred drachms (some-what less than three quarters of a pound) per day: at other times they serve out biscuit, of which fifty drachms are a L. allowance, besides sixty drachms of beef or mutton, twenty-five of batters and fifty of rice or bulgur. The cook of each company of janizaries receives the total of the rations, and distributes them in two meals, one at eleven in the morning, and another at seven in the evening, to messes consisting of seven or eight persons. In addition to the ration which is regularly allowed them, they receive [273] a moderate pay, which does not exceed a crown per month.

An authentic document, preserved by Count Marsigli, will best explain the order of march, as it was formerly observed by a Turkish army. The advanced guard, consisting of Tartars and other irregular troops, were supported by the pashas of Romelia and Anatolia, and were placed under their command. The seraskier, or lieutenant-general of the vizir, followed with the troops and the pa, shas of Erzerum and Bosnia. Immediately after them came the janizar aga at the head of all the odas of janizaries. Then came the topgi bashi with the artillery, and the gebegis with the ammunition. The infantry of the provinces escorted their provision waggons. The beylerbeys and pashas followed in the rear of the provincial infantry. The capiculy spahis, of both the red and yellow standards, followed the provincial cavalry. Then came the grand vizir with the officers of the court and the ministers of state, who accompany him in his military expeditions. The provision waggons, each of them escorted by three foot soldiers, and the other baggage waggons were under the care of the commander of the rear guard, who accompanied [274] them to the camp, and who closed the march with four thousand men. The military march of the grand army is regulated by the vizir, whose orders are committed to writing by the clerks of his chancery, and are distributed to the different commanders by the officers under the control of the chaoush bashi.

When the Turkish army marches through the sultan's dominions, they observe so little order that, provided every man arrives at the camp in time for the evening prayers, each may pursue his march alone, or in company, in the manner most agreeable to him-self, and may stop to rest himself on the road wherever he pleases. The advanced guard usually consists of five or six thousand horse, of the best troops in the army: their commander is called the kharcagy bashi: they are usually seven or eight leagues before the main body, and if there be Tartars in the army they disperse themselves on all sides, and pillage wherever they pass49.

49"Et quidem natura ipsa maximi et crudelissimi latrones suns. Militiam non nisi spe prmdm exercent. Quum aliquo tundum est, itinere unius diei aut duorum reliquum exercitum prmcedunt, igni ferroque omnia devastantes. Nonnunquam numerum triginta millium oxcedunt, quibus omnibus dux unus militari prudentia prmditus prmficitur. Enimvero ex hoc ordine extitere ii qui anno superiore, Solimano Viennam oppugnante, trans

[275] The alai, or marshalling of the troops, is a march of ceremony, in which the Ottomans display the greatest pomp and magnificence. When the pashas arrive at the place of general rendezvous, they each perform their respective alai, which answers to a review: but in the general alai the whole army is divided into five parts: the right and left wings, sagh col and sol col; the main body, dib alai; the van, kharcagy; and the rear dondar. In the front are the serden guiechdi50 , followed by the janizaries led on by their aga. After these, the great guns, guarded and served by the topgis and gebegis: then the vizir, with his court and segbani, or guards of the baggage; on his right hand, the Asiatic horse, and on his left, the Euro-

urbem progressi, regionem Lincio adjacentem memorabili Glade aff'ecerunt, miserisque senibus crudeliter interfectis, ac locis igne consumptis, quam plurimos captivos abduxerunt." (Jovius, Turc. rer. comment. p. 48.)

50Serden guiechidi signifies persons devoted to desperate undertakings. In the Turkish armies they forni what in other countries are called enfans perdu:, or the forlorn hope. Meninski explains the word in his dictionary by " Caput non curans, exponens, voluntarius." They are better known by the name of delhi, which, as Rycaut justly says, signifies, as much as a mad fellow or a Hector. They are however brave, determined, and enterprizing. Those who enlist among the Serden guiechdi, receive an augmentation of ten aspers a day for each campaign.
[276] pean. After the vizir comes the emperor, surrounded by his courtiers and his body guard of bostangis; the spahis of the red standard on his right, and on his left the spahis of the yellow. Then follow the military chests and provision waggons, with the company of merchants and artificers, who, by the imperial mandate, follow the camp, and furnish all the conveniences and luxuries of a city. The dondar, or bringers back, form the rear, and close the ceremony.

Their ancient order of battle was to form a kind of pyramid, the point of which was presented to the enemy. Few vacancies were left in the main body of the army, as the evolutions were chiefly made on the wings. The serden guiechdi bashi at the head of his desperadoes, consisting of about a thousand horse taken indifferently from the capiculi or the feudal troops, always formed the extreme point. They were supported by the beglerbeys of Romelia and Anatolia; the first on the right, and the second on the left, at the head of the European and Asiatic troops. The pashas commanding the militia of the distant provinces occupied the middle space. The grand vizir, with the infantry and artillery, formed the centre of the base; the [277] timariots and zaims, the extremities; and a corps de reserve, composed of spahis, terminated the whole. With this arrangement they marched to, the attack, or they received the shock of the enemy. The serden guiechdi, animated each other with their war shout of allah, allah. If after three repeated charges they failed in making an impression on the enemies line, they spread out to the right and left and opened a greater front, which in like manner gradually enlarged itself if it became necessary. If they succeeded in breaking the first battalions, they took in flank those who had not been exposed to their onset.

A spirit of emulation prevailed between. the troops of Asia and Europe. Those who had been repulsed and dispersed, made the greatest efforts in order to rally and return to the charge. If the cavalry was broken and scattered, the artillery opened upon the enemy, and, by keeping up a heavy fire, gave time to the fugitives to recover themselves: there have been instances where they have renewed the fight with such a desperate valour as even to snatch the victory from the hands of the enemy. It has also happened, that the rear guard, engaged by oath to Shed the last drop of blood in defence of the [278] sacred standard of the prophet, has opposed the enemy with such determination as to give time to the broken troops to form anew, and thereby become masters of the field of battle. It is said to be from the jealousy of the other troops, who frequently saw the vanguard carry off all the honour of the, victory, that this order of battle was changed for that of a crescent; and to this alteration their own chiefs have attributed the ill success of the Ottoman arms.

The Turkish method of warfare is described by a traveller, who observed it during the last year of the war against Austria and Russia. The Turks, he says, who are represented as not possessing common sense in military affairs, nevertheless carry on war with some kind of method. They disperse themselves about, in order that the fire of the enemies battalions or artillery may not be directed against them: they take their aim with admirable precision, and direct their fire always against men collected in a body; masking their own manoeuvres by their incessant firing: sometimes they intrench themselves in ravins or hollows, or conceal themselves upon trees; at other times they advance in several small companies, consisting [279] of forty or fifty men, carrying a banderole or little flag, which they fix onwards in order to gain ground: the most advanced kneel-down and fire, and fall back to reload their pieces; supporting each other in this manner, until, upon an advantage, they rush forward and advance their standard progressively, Such is their constant method: the different small bodies carefully observing a line or order in their progress, so as not to rover each other. The repeated shoutings and cries of allah encourage the Mussulmans, and together with the immediate decapita, tion of the wounded who fall into their power, produce an effect which sometimes alarms and disheartens the Christian soldier51. Dr. Whittman condemns the employment of such a multiplicity of standards, banners, and flags, which, he says, the Turks suppose to have the effect of inspiring the enemy with terror and dismay: but as it appears from his journal, that he had no opportunity of

51"L'instinct des Turcs, qui vaut souvent mieux que 1'esprit des Chretiens, les rend admits et capables de faire tous les metiers a la guerre. Mais ils n'ont que la premiere reflexion: ils ne sont pas susceptibles de la seconde, et apres avoir depense leur moment de bon sens, assez juste, assez adroit, ils tiennent du fou et de l'enfant." (Voyage a Constantinople, p. 197.)
[280] observing the Turks when actually engaged with the enemy, he probably may have exaggerated the inconvenience of these standards, though he justly stiles them trivial objects; for perhaps they do not in any considerable degree diminish the effective force which otherwise would be brought into action, nor do they seem to shackle and impede the military operations in the field of battle52.

I have heard Russian officers commend the active valour and address of the Turks in their skirmishes with the loose troops and Cossaks, as well as their persevering courage in the defence of their fortresses: but it re, quires the actual presence of danger to in-duce them to use precaution, or to introduce regularity into the performance of military duty in their garrisons. When the Russian army was approaching Ismael, General Suwarow, wishing to know the state of defence in the Turkish fortress, despatched a few Cossaks, with orders to seize and bring away some person of the garrison. The Cossaks, under favour of the night, approached close to the wall of a battery, where the Turkish sentinel, after having finished his pipe, was

52See Dr. Wittman's Travels, p, 232.
[281] sitting cross-legged on one of the guns, and amusing himself with singing: his entertainment was interrupted by a rope with a slip knot, with which they pulled him, to the ground, and dragged him away to the Russian head-quarters. An officer, who was, present, assured me, that when the man's apprehensions as to his personal safety were removed, he indulged in a hearty fit of laughter at the ridiculousness of his own capture.

The mode in which the Ottomans wage war, appears vicious and imperfect when compared with later improvements in military science. Their system was, however, confessedly superior to the unmixed feudal institutions, which were contemporary with it in the other countries of Europe and Asia. The sultans owed the success of their arms during four centuries to the ameliorations which had been introduced into their establishments. Modern nations have, however, so far outstripped the Turks in the career of improvement, and their own confidence in their ancient modes of attack and defence is so weakened by a series of misfortunes, that they are generally considered, not merely as inferior to the enemies who are opposed to [282] them, but as having degenerated from their warlike ancestors. The charge cannot indeed be wholly denied; yet I must declare, that, as far as my unbiassed, though perhaps imperfect, observation enables me to judge, a diffidence in the talents of their generals is all that distinguishes the modern from the ancient Turkish armies. We have seen them under different commanders, in the course of a single campaign, heroes at Acre, and most contemptible cowards at Aboukir. It is a just and true remark, that a nation suffers no real nor essential loss but when it loses-the character to which it owed its success. Now when we consider, that this character among the Turks, as individuals, is unchanged, and that it is not impossible, that circumstances may arise which may call forth the talents of some great leader who may yet rekindle the spirit and organize the force of the nation, we should care-fully guard, especially in such critical times as the present, against an indulgence of that contempt which some writers endeavour to excite53.

53My opinion on this subject is further confirmed by the following observation of a military traveller. " La religion et 1'habitude sont deux barricres dni empechent autant les Tuns

[283] If we may credit the Baron de Tott (and his sprightly egotisms seem to me to possess more veracity than his remarks show candour or judgment), we should place but little confidence in any of the tables which some authors have exhibited, as a view of the effective military force of the Turks. Indeed what information can a stranger hope to derive from any means within his reach, when the vizir was obliged, in order to ascertain the state of his own army, to have recourse to the reports in the Vienna gazette54? If we reflect upon the disorders, which have been before enumerated as having insinuated them-selves into the Turkish armies, and the con-fusion which is inseparable from them, we must be convinced, that, although the Turkish nation be individually brave, it is less surprizing, that they are inefficient when united than that they do not disband immediately

d'avancer que de reculer. Je crois qu'on les accuse à tort d'avoir dégénéré. Les Turcs, qui ont fait deux fois le siège de Vienne, ressembloient, à peu de choses près, aux Turcs qui ont été vainqueurs à Karansebès, et vaincus a Martinesti. Les Turcs, qui ont rendu Ismaël, étoient aussi braves et aussi ignorans que ceux qui ont pris Rhodes. Its sont à peu près au même point: ce sont les autres peuples qui ont fait des progrès." (Voyage à Constantinople, p. 155.)

54De Tott's Memoirs, v. iii, p. 181.
[284] after being collected together. According to the modern system of politics, which exhausts the wealth of the independent kingdoms of Europe by maintaining a standing army, greater, in many instances, than was formerly thought necessary for the defence: of the Roman empire in the three parts of the globe, the military power of the Turks. may perhaps be considered as disproportionate to the vast extent of their dominions. Marsigli calculated the total effective force of their armies, or that which could be brought into service against a foreign enemy, at about a hundred and sixty thousand men, after deducting those whom the public safety re-quires to be employed in the provinces and in guarding the high roads, and allowing for the fraudulent returns of the toprakly militia; an abuse which is now become so familiar that, in ordering levies, the state itself scarcely dares to count upon raising more than half the number of men who are entered upon the public registers55. The capiculy
55I am justified in rejecting as inaccurate the details of the Turkish military force as published by Mr. Eton, but I acknowledge the justness of his concluding censure of their armies (Survey, p. 72. ), in which we find "none of those numerous details of a well-organized body, necessary to give quickness strength, and regularity to its actions, to avoid confusion, to
[285] are the only part of the Turkish armies susceptible of such improvement in discipline and tactics as to become capable of opposing in the field the regular troops of Christendom; and their number, from the limited revenues of the-sultan, must always be inadequate to any great undertaking, or any efficacious resistance. The toprakly soldiery, being untaught and undisciplined, do not seem to merit a higher estimation than the provincial militia of the Christian states, and, on a
repair damages, to apply every part to some use: nothing, as with us, the result of reasoning and combination, no systematic attack, defence, or retreat, no accident foreseen or provided for."

Marsigli, whose calculation though made a century ago is perhaps the most correct of any which have hitherto been published, divides the whole military force of the Ottomans into two classes, and estimates the number of each as follows.
The cap iculy consists of infantry and cavalry: the infantry, composed of janizaries, agemoglans, tohgis, gebegis, and stakes, amounts to 58,864 men, of whom 21,426 janizaries are required for the garrison and frontier towns : the cavalry, consisting of sphis and chaoushes, amounts to 15,284. The feudal militia, or the total of the contingents of all the Jiashaliks, the ziantets, and the timars, amounts to 126,292: besides which the Tartars formerly furnished 12,000 tributary soldiers; and the principalities of Moldavia and Wallachia 8000 men, but these should not be considered as soldiers, as they were chiefly employed in servile labour, and many of them carried only a spade and pickaxe. The serratculy cannel be calculated, as they were enlisted only In time of war, and in such numbers as the service required. (See Stato militare dell' imperio Ottomanno, t. i, p. 90, 134.)
[286] review of the disposable force of the Ottoman empire, should scarcely be taken into aceount; but to an invading army they oppose a resistance by no means to be despised. Every motive of enthusiasm, patriotism, and private interest, confirms the aversion of the Turks to the dominion of foreigners. In our own time the inhabitants of Bosnia, Albania; and Croatia, a hardy and warlike race, have successfully defended their religion and their country against the disciplined troops of the Emperor of Germany; and the French armies in Egypt met with more obstinate resistance from an armed yeomanry than they have since experienced in traversing the most war-like countries of Europe. The volunteers of Mecca, undismayed at the conquest of Lower Egypt, came, at their own expense, to at-tack a people of infidels. Armed with their lances, their daggers, and their fire-arms, they attacked with courage and resisted with obstinacy: though mortally wounded, their Zeal and their animosity were unabated; and Denon saw one of these determined patriots wound two French soldiers, while they held him, pierced through the body with their bayonets, against a wall. It is pleasing to contrast the energies of an independent people [287] with the slavish submission of those who see nothing but a change of governors in the subjugation of their country. The fellahs of Egypt, a race of people still more abject than the rayahs of Turkey, withheld their' contributions from the French, as they formerly had done from the Mamelukes, until they discovered by the blows which were inflicted on them, that the rights of their former tyrants were transferred to their conquerors. But the ojakli, or householders, no less than the feudal proprietors, fought with valour, undiminished by the want of success, from the ruined walls of Alexandria to the ancient, Roman frontier, Syene. The language of the historian bears unequivocal testimony to their patriotic virtue. Alexandria was taken by storm: the besiegers left two hundred soldiers in the breach through which they entered: but of the besieged none fled, they fell with glory on the spot which they had failed in defending56. With such examples before our eyes, we may be permitted to question the facility of subduing a people, whose country, from its very nature, must encourage their exertions and protect
56Denon, Voyage dans la nasse et la Haute Egypte, t. t, p. 48, 223.
[288] their independence. "The allied nations of Europe have only to march," says Count Marsigli, "their greatest difficulty will be to divide the conquered country57." But though we now discover, since the blaze of the Ottoman power has decreased, that their former conquests were the chastisements of divine justice for the sins of Christendom, and that the sultans never were, and never will be strong in their own might; it perhaps still remains to be discovered, whether, in spite of the acknowledged debility of the empire, a people who would refuse to obey even their sultans if they ordered them to renounce their possessions in favour of a stranger, and whose country from the difficulty of forming magazines affords no facilities to the invader, would not give ambition cause to repent of its insatiable thirst of conquest.

War, in its mildest form, is a continued violation of justice and humanity: but the Turks have been reproached with systematic cruelty, and premeditated breach of faith. It is however untrue, that the Turkish laws of warfare condemn all the prisoners to death for captives were always esteemed the most

57Stato militate dell' imperio Ottomanno, t. ii, p. 199.
[289] valuable part of the booty, and quarter was seldom refused to the submissive, unless danger was apprehended from the number of the prisoners, or the irruption of an enemy prevented their being carried off. All the riches of a city taken by storm are usually promised by the emperors to the soldiers, and they reserve to themselves only the buildings and the government. To this cause is to be attributed the too frequent breach of treaty, or the murdering of prisoners contrary to capitulation. Cantenlir says; that "if a garrison are to lay down their arms, and only a knife or a hatchet is found on any one, the Turks immediately call out, that the treaty is broken, and butcher their defenceless enemies." But though it be certainly better for Christians to perish fighting, and with arms in their hands, than to experience such treachery, yet, even in these instances, the chiefs must be acquitted of duplicity. Subordination, in such moments, is almost entirely dissolved, and the commanders, even the sultans themselves, are frequently compelled to yield to the violence of the soldiery, who are flushed with success, or infuriated by resistance58. The in
58"Ce n'est pas aux principes du cour'ann qu'il faut attribuer les excès qui leur sont justement reprochés, ils sont l'effet néces-
[290] fraction of the treaty, made by Mahomet the Fourth with the emperor of Germany, is supposed, by pious Mussulmans, to have been the effective cause of all the subsequent disgrace of their armies, and the misfortunes of their empire: therefore I doubt, and even venture to contradict, the assertion, "that this sentence of the ulema, with thousands more of the same kind, stands on record, that a treaty, made with the enemies of God and his prophet, might be broken; there being nothing so worthy a Mahometan as to undertake the entire destruction of Christians59."

The treatment of prisoners who are considered as private property, consequently varies according to the passions of the captor: that of public prisoners is indeed deserving of reprobation. I have seen them in the bagnio, loaded with irons, coupled with the vilest felons, and forced to common labour, with the same undistinguishing inhumanity. The prisoners of their own nation are abandoned to the mercy of their enemies:

saire de 1'insubordination des troupes, de la férocité du soldat, sur-tout quand it est victorieux, et d'une foule de circonstances, absolument étrangères aux loin de l'Islamisme." (Tab. Gén. t. iv, p. 303.)

59Survey of the Turkish empire, p. 109.
[291] the Turkish government expresses no anxiety as to their fate: they are neither ransomed, nor exchanged; and their Christian conquerors condemn them to a state of slavery, with no compassion to alleviate their sufferings, and no hope, however distant, of deliverance60.

The Turkish forces at sea have always been contemptible. During the siege of Constantinople, their navy, consisting of three hundred vessels, was baffled by one Imperial, and four Genoese, ships, which threw succours of men and supplies of provisions into the capital. Sandys says, " that they did not hazard the revenue of Egypt by sea, for

60Denon (t. i,p. 27.) thus describes the joy of the Turkisk prisoners in Malta on being released by the French. "Pour prendre une ides de leur extreme satisfaction dans cette circonstance, it faut savoir que leur gouvernement ne les rachetoit et ne lea echangeoit jamais, que leur esclavage n'etoit adouci par aucun espoir; ils ne pouvoient pas meme rever la fin de leurs peines."

As I have not had the advantage of travelling in Italy, I must quote Mr. Griffiths with caution. He says, (p. 11.), " in the prisons of Genoa I beheld the very lowest pitch of human wretchedness and degradation! A number of aged Turks were chained to the wall in stone recesses, at a short distance from each other; and some still more aged, in cells, so low that they were never able to stand upright! Many of these men of misery appeared to have lost all sense or recollection; and one, who particularly attracted my attention, had counted no less than twenty-sevt.n years of captivity."
[292] fear of the Florentines, who, with six ships, had kept the bottom of the straits for three years." Their disasters, in their several sea-fights with the Venetians and the Russians, are well known; and in their late cooperation with the English, during the Egyptian campaign, the contrast was striking, between the beauty of their ships, and the ignorance and timidity of their officers and people.

Mr. Eton, and Mr. Griffiths in a still more recent publication, venture to describe the present state of the Turkish navy from the remarks of Baron cue Tott, or from their own transient observations made twenty years ago. The Turks, indeed, although the canon narnek of Sultan Soliman contains many regulations for the improvement of their navy, considered it as an object of inferior importance, until the destruction of their fleet by the Russians in the harbour of Tcheshmeh. Since that event the government has occupied itself seriously in the establishment of a respectable naval force, and the zeal which the celebrated Hassan Pasha first displayed in this branch of service, has been inherited by all who have succeeded him in the post of capudan pasha: so that such language as the following cannot now be applied with truth to any [293] department of the marine service of the Ottomans. "High-decked vessels, the lower tier laid under water with the least wind, entangled rigging, bad cordage and pullies, thirty men in the gun-room to move the tiller, encumbered decks, and guns without equality in the calibre61."

I went on board some ships of war on their return from a cruise in the Black Sea, in the year 1790, and certainly saw a confusion which it is impossible to describe. It was a perfect bazar, or market-place, and shops were erected all round the between-decks, with no apparent intention of removing them. De Tott says, with an affected levity, which is highly unbecoming when describing the manners of a nation, "that the proposition to lower the decks was rejected, on account of the height of their turbans, and that of raising The mast, because it would occasion the vessel to heel, and incommode the crew62." But the fault was in those who suggested such improvements without sufficiently correcting the pertness of manner which outweighed, at least in the estimation of Turks, the merit of their advice. Why should improvements,

61See De Tott's Memoirs, v. iii, p. 20. 62Memoirs, v. iii, p. 178.
[294] so evidently necessary, have been rejected, at the same period, when, upon proposing a new school for mathematics, it was immediately established? Upon pointing out the use of the bayonet, the bayonet was adopted. Upon De Tott's suggestion, a machine was erected for masting vessels. A new foundery of cannon was built. A body of artillery-men was instituted, and forts were erected on the northern shores of the Bosphorus, to secure the passage of the Black Sea. The mildness of manners of a French ship-builder of the name of Le Brun63, whom Hussein Pasha engaged in the Ottoman service, removed every obstacle to the exertion of his great abilities, and in a short space of time a complete reform was introduced into the department which he superintended.

Their navy now consists of several good ships, built by Europeans, or from European models, but manned by people unaccustomed to the sea. They have not yet formed any plan for educating and training up seamen, though the Propontis is well

63This gentleman is now in the service of the emperor of Russia. His talents may be appreciated by Englishmen, as he built the Commerce de Marseilles, a first-rate ship of very large dimensions, now in our service.
[295] adapted for naval evolutions, and might be made an excellent school of practical navigation. Their officers, not having passed through the different ranks, merit no higher estimation than the common men; indeed almost the whole business of the ship is performed by the slaves, or by the Greeks who are retained upon wages.

Those accustomed to the strict subordination and punctilious formalities established in the armies and navies of other European powers, may smile perhaps at hearing, that the captain of a man of war has been cuffed in public by the admiral's own hand for a slight offence. I remember too to have seen a journal kept by an Englishman (an adventurer who served on board the Turkish fleet in the Black Sea, during a cruise in the year 1790) which contained the following remark. " This day the admiral amused himself with playing at chess on the quarter-deck with a common sailor."

[296] Note (A) page 8.

SIR WILLIAM JONES announced his intention of publishing a dissertation on the manners of the Arabians before the time of Mahomet, illustrated by the seven poems which were written in letters of gold, and suspended in the temple of Mecca about the beginning of the sixth century. It is much to be regretted, that, though the poems were published in 1783, yet he could not command leisure for the composition of the intended dissertation. The general criticism 'which he has passed on each of these seven poems, in his commentary on the Asiatic poetry64, will however show, how very different must have been the state of manners and society in Arabia from that which prevailed in Asiatic Scythia, previously to the establishment, or the introduction, of the Mahometan religion. Sir William Jones does not hesitate to compare them with the song of Solomon, as well in animated gayety and floweriness of diction, as in the various and

64See Foes. Asiat. Comment. cap. iii.
[297] delicate comparisons, the exquisite choice of words, and the neat lustre of images. An exposition of the general argument of these idylls, and a selection of some particular passages will serve to illustrate the subject of ancient Arabian manners, and will show, that the Arabs, instead of learning from the Spaniards, rather communicated to them the romantic character, which it seems their new religion, had not eradicated.

It is necessary to premise, that Yemen, or the happy Arabia, is situate between the eleventh and fifteenth degrees of north latitude, under a serene sky, and exposed to the most favourable influence of the sun, enclosed on one side by vast rocks and deserts, - and defended on the ether by a tempestuous sea; so that all the images of beauty or sublimity, whatever natural objects can affect the senses with lively and pleasing, or with gloomy and terrible, ideas, are equally familiar to the imagination of its inhabitants.

The ancient Arabians had fallen almost universally into the common error of paying divine worship to the firmament and the heavenly bodies; yet the religion of the noble and the learned appears rather to have been theism, for their poets, in verses of [298] undoubted antiquity, utter sentiments of the purest piety towards Allah, the supreme being65.

The Arabians honoured no arts except skill in military atchievements (to which horsemanship was subservient), and poetry and rhetoric. They aspired to no fame except from the display of valour, the exercise of hospitality, and the practice of eloquence66. The learning of the nation was comprised in their poems. To poetry was consigned whatever was judged worthy of being rescued from oblivion; the series of their genealogies, the exploits of their families, and the history of their tribes. They laboured to refine and enrich their language in order to give perfection to their poetry, and the perfection of their poetry gave back stability to their copious idiom : so that poetry became the repository and the term of their knowledge, to which all that was useful was contributed, and whose stores of instruction were open for all the purposes of life67. The birth of a son, or the fall of

65See Discourse on the Arabs. Jones's works, t. i, P. 42.

66See Herodotus, lib. iii. Pocock. orat. ante carmen Tograi, p. 10. Discourse on the Arabs, p. 48.

67See Pocock. orat. ante carmen Tograi, p. 10,
[299] a foal of a generous breed, was a subject of congratulation to an Arabian family; but the tribe derived its greatest honour from the celebrity of a poet. Gellaleddinn relates, that the surrounding tribes offered their felicitations on the occasion, they themselves instituted feasts and public solemnities, and their women, adorned as for nuptials, beat their tymbals before their husbands and children, congratulating their tribe, that its name would now be safe from decay, and the exploits of its heroes be perpetuated to the latest posterity68. The moallakâf itself (which was the name given to the seven poems from the circgmstance of their being hung up in the temple of Mecca, as they were called modhahab4t, or the golden, from their having been written in letters of gold on folds of Egyptian silk69), as it proves the high honour in which poetry was publicly held, indicates also a high degree of civilization among the people of Arabia. Indeed if civilization be estimated not according to the usages or the prejudices of
68Ebn Raschik, apud Pocock. Spec. p. 160.

69See D'Herbelot, bibl. Orient. voc. Moallacat, p. 386. Pocock. Spec. p. 159, 381, et in calce notarum in carmen Tograi, p. 233.
[300] temporal authority, were appointed the political overseers of their flock, and were the only authorized and acknowledged organ of the people70.

The pride or the indolence of the Turks, which made them disdain, or rendered them averse from attending to, the details of business, encouraged a mercenary emulation among the rayahs, to whom they confided the administration of several lucrative, through subaltern, departments. The rayahs thus became the bankers, the merchants, the contractors, the agents, of the porte, of the pashas, and of the farmers of the different branches of the revenue. They retaliated

70"Les Turc traiterent avex le patriarche Gennadius comme avec une puissance; ils l'admirent dans leur consiel, et en lui rendant sa dignite ils s'assurerent de l'obeissance du peuple entier qu'ils venoient de conquerir." (Chevalier, voyage de la Propontide et du Pont Euxin, t. i, p. 117.)

"The influence of the patriarch with the porte is very extensive, as far as his own nation is concerned. His memorials are never denied, and he can, in fact, command the death, the exile, imprisonment for life, deposition from offices, or pecuniary fine, of any Greek he may be inclined to punish with rigour, or who has treated his authority with contempt." (Dallaway, p.101.)

The Armenian patriarch and the khakham bashi or chief rabbin of the Jews, are in like manner the temporal and spiritual heads of their respective communities.

[301] upon their countrymen the humiliations which their employers forced them to endure, and they practised every refinement of tyranny stimulated by avarice71. Custom and precedent, which in Turkey soon acquire the force of law, have established the Jews in the offices of collecting the customs and of purchasing whatever is required for the use of the seraglio, while they have conferred on the Armenians the direction of the mint: these, however, are the highest civil employments to which either of them can attain.

It has been supposed, that the Turks, in order to console the Greek descendants of the imperial family for the loss of empire,

71"Le Grecs ont leurs plus grands ennemis parmu eux. Ce sont ces codja-bachis, Grec d'origine, prosternes aux pieds des Turcs, qui vexent avex plus de durete ceux qu'ils dexroient cherir et consoler. Par leur insolence, par leur fierte, et par la bassesse qui les caracterisent eminemment, ils ont etabli une ligne de demarcation entre eux et la nation Grecque. Espece degeneree, ils ont tous les vices des esclaves, et ne se dedommagent des humiliations que les Turcs leur prodiguent qu'en exercant le monopole, ladelation, et le brigandage le plus revoltant. Dans les temples ils occupent la place voisine de l'autel, ils y deploient l'orgueil du donheur de leurs compatriotes." "Sous le sabre du Turc, le Grec est esclave; mais sous la puissance de son compatriote, il est spolie et cent fois plus malheureux." (Pouqueville, voyages en Moree, &c. t. i, p. 106, 359.)

[302] gushed the tears from my eyes, through excess of regret, and flowed down my neck till my sword-belt was drenched in the stream." His friends, in order to alleviate his affliction, urge several topics of consolation: they remind him, not only, that he had before suffered disappointment equally painful, but, that he had enjoyed his full share of happiness. The recollection of past enjoyment suspends his present griefs, and kindles his imagination: he relates with how many spotless virgins, whose tents had not yet been frequented, he has held soft dalliance ; how he visited the bower of his mistress, though it was surrounded by guards, and in the midst of a hostile tribe who would have been eager to proclaim his death, while the night covered with darkness, as with the waves of a boundless ocean, the arid and pathless desert, whose silence was interrupted only by the howlings of the tyger ; how he passed over the summits of rocks where the ostrich wanders, and where the spirits of the mountains utter their heart-piercing cries72. "I approached--she stood expecting me by
72See Traitc sur la poesie Orient. sect, 1.
[303] the curtain, and, as if she was preparing for sleep, had put off all her vesture but her night-dress. She said, by him who created me (and gave me her lovely hand), I am unable to refuse thee ; for I perceive, that the blindness of thy passion is not to be removed.---I drew her towards me by her curled locks, and she softly inclined to my embrace73."

But love, however powerful its influence must be on souls made of fire," on men living in the contemplation of the most delightful objects, and the enjoyment of perpetual spring74, is not the exclusive and predominant passion of the Arab. The honour and the interest of his family and his tribe-engage him in continual war. His own fortitude, and the swiftness of his horse (to which, and to the immensity of his plains, the Arab is indebted for his freedom75), are equally the subjects of his commendation. He describes the beauty, the speed, and the spirit of this noble animal with the same luxuriance of

73Poem of Amriolkais, ver. 24, 25, 28.

74See La Roque, voy. dans I'Arabie heureuse, p. 121, 123, 153.

75Pocock. in calce notarum ad carmen Tograi.
[304] fancy, with the same accumulations of imagery, as the charms of his mistress; and the toils of the chace are depicted with the same enthusiasm as the success of an amour.




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