Origin and monarchy of the Turks in Asia.—Empire of Mahomet and the caliphs.— Usurpations and dynasties of the Turks and Turcmans.—Kingdom of Roum or Anatolia.—Embassy of the Byzantine emperor to the council of Placentia.—The crusades.—Conquests of Jenghiz Khan.—Emigration of the Othmanidce.— Osman, son of Ertogrul, founder of the Ottoman dynasty:—his military, political, and civil, government, —Orkhan.—Murad the First.—Bajazet the First.—Interregnum.—Mahomet the First.—Murad the Second.—Mahomet the Second.—Bajazet the Second.—Selim the First.— Soliman the First.— Selim the Second.—Murad the Third.— Mahomet the Third.—Ahmed the First.—Mustafa the First. —Osman the Second.—Murad the Fourth.—Ibrahim.—Mahomet the Fourth.—Soliman the Second.—Ahmed the Second. —Mustafa the Second.—Ahmed the Third.—Mahmud.— Osman the Third.—Mustafa the Third.—Aldulhamid.— Selim the Third.

[Origin and monarchy of the Turks in Asia.]

THE high antiquity of the Turks is attested by the Persian and Arabian writers, as well as by those of their own nation. The Persian traditions relate, that Turc, who gave his name to Turkistan, and Iredj, to whom xxiv the Persian kings ascribe their origin,. were sons of the same father. Abulfaragius, an Arabian author, in his universal history of dynasties, enumerates the Turks among the seven original races of mankind, who, according to his account, are the Persians, Chaldaeans, Greeks, Egyptians, Turks, Indians, and Chinese. The Turkish writers assert their descent from Japhet by Turc, the eldest of his eight sons, the founder of the Tartar race, who fixed his residence at Selinkiah, allured by the salubrity of the air and the purity of the waters. The Greeks confounded this people under the general 'j name of Scythians, and their country under that of Scythia; but the oriental geographers divide it into four parts, the most fertile and populous of which borders on the Caspian sea, and is watered by the Oxus. The hordes who over-ran the western parts of Asia and the eastern division of the Roman empire, issued chiefly from this district*N_01.

[[N_01* See Jenisch, de fatis ling. Orient, prefixed to Meninski'i lexicon, edit. Vienna 1780. Pliny, in the 7th chapter of the 6lh book of his natural history, makes mention of the Sarmatians, inhabitants of the country about the Tanai's, among whose families he enumerates the Turks. " Turcae, usque ad solitudines laltuosis convallibus asperas, ultra quas Arimphsei, qui ad Riphaeos pertinent monies." xxv Also Pomponius Mela, towards the end of the 19th chapter of the 1st book, de situ orbis. " Foe-cundos pabulo juxta Msotim, at alias steriles nudosque campos tenent Budini: Geloni urbem ligneam habitant: juxta Thyssa-getse Turcseque vastas silvas occupant, alunturque venando." Constantine Porphyrogenftus, in the book de administrando im-perio, at the beginning of the 37th chapter, says, that " towards the end of the ninth century the Uzi, uniting with the Charazi, expelled the Patzinacitse from their country beyond the Volga ; these, in search of a new settlement, fell upon the Turks, and drove them out of their country near the Tanai's." Such was the imperfect knowledge which European writers possessed of the Turkish nation even so late as the middle of the tenth century. These tribes, of whom they barely mention the names, inhabited the eastern coast of the sea of Azoff, and the plains which lie between the Don and the Dnieper: they were separated from the great body of the nation, and continued to retrea1 before the invaders across the Dniester and the Danube, until they reached Great Moravia (now called Transilvania and Hungary), where they settled and became incorporated with the ancient inhabitants. (See Peyssonnel, observations historiques et geographiques sur les peuples barbares qui ont habile les bords du Danube et du Pont-Euxin, p. xxxviii. 4to. Paris 1765.) In the year 1068 the Uzi, a Moldavian horde of the Turkish race, served in the Roman armies, and Under the same name, or that of Gozz, as they are called by the orientals, they appear on the Volga, and in Armenia, Syria, and Khorassan. (See Gibbon, hist, of the decline and fall of the Roman empire, v. x, p. 218, note 40; and p. 355, note 31. 8vo. London 1802.) The Charazi are said to be the same as the Magiars, by which name the modern Hungarians are known to the Ottoman Turks. (See Peysonnel, p. xxxix.) The Patzinacitas are supposed by Leun-clavius to be the inhabitants of Bosnia, who still call themselves Botzinaki, but it must be observed, that the inhabitants of Bosnia are Slavi, and that De Guignes (hist, des Huns, t. i, part, i, p. 230. Paris 1756 a 1758) derives the Patzinacitas from the Turks or Huns.]]


[before Christ 1200]

The most remote ancestors of the Turks, of whom authentic history makes mention, were the wandering tribes of Hiong-nou, or Huns, who dwelt under tents, and occupied with their flocks and herds the extensive plains which lie to the north of China. The foundation of their first empire is carried back to the year 1200 before the birth of Christ. It included the whole of Asiatic Tartary, and was dissolved by the dissensions of the reigning family, and the victories of the Chinese. The dispersed Huns emigrated to different countries. Part of them invaded Europe in the reign of the emperor Valens, and founded an empire which subsisted till the year 468. The rest were confounded with the Avars*N_02.

[[N_02* See De Guignes, t. i, part, i, p. 215—218. The subject of the epic poem of Ferdusi (shah nameh] is the war of Cyrus with Afrasiab, the Turkish or Hunnish monarch. (See Sir William Jones's works, v. v, p. 594. 4-to. London 1799.) A celebrated system of unwritten laws called yasac (which in modern Turkish signifies forbidden or prohibited) anciently prevailed in Tartary, and was republished by Jenghiz Khan. Tamerlane is said to have almost preferred it to the koran. (See Jones's works, v. i, p. 65. Gibbon, Roman hist. v. vii, p. 287; v. xii, p. 43, note 68.)]]


The Turks, a branch of the ancient family of the Huns, continued to inhabit the Altai mountains, but were subject to the Geougen Tartars, until the year 552, when their chief renounced his allegiance and made war upon his master, wrested the empire from him by repeated victories, and assumed the sovereign title of khan. The Turkish empire which was thus established in Tartary, extended eastward as far as China, and thence, along the frontiers of India and Persia, to the lake Maeotis and the confines of the Roman empire. Its influence on the affairs of the Romans was felt only so far as the Turks impelled the tribes whose country they invaded towards the Roman, frontiers, or in the occasional alliances of the two nations, and the powerful diversion which the Turks made on the side of the Oxus, against their common enemy the Persians. The history of their foreign or domestic wars, the subversion or dissolution of their empire after a duration of two hundred and eleven [A. D. 763.] years, and the subsequent dispersion of their families, are little connected with the subject of the present work*N_03, until about the middle xxviii [A. D. 868.] of the third century of the hegira, when a considerable body of Turkish youth, expelled from their country, taken in war, or purchased in trade, were enlisted in the service of the Arabian caliphs of the house of Abbas, and were embodied for the purpose of guarding the person of the sovereign and ov.er-awmg domestic factions. This transient relief entailed on the successors to the cahphat a permanent evil of a more grievous nature; for we read, immediately after, of the seditions of the Turkish guards on account of their pay being in arrears, of their combinations in acts of regicide and rebellion, and of their uncontrolled dilapidations of the public treasure: they seized upon every lucrative or honourable office, assumed to themselves the effective government of the state, the com--mand of the armies and the provinces, and, wherever employed, they gradually advanced from offices of public importance to the sovereignty over their former masters*N_04.

[[N_03* See De Guignes, t. i, pa-t. 1, p. 225, 227- The Altai mountains were productive of minerals, and the mines were worked by the Turks during a period of 450 years for the use of thee great khan of the Geougen. From the name of the moun-tains, and that of the lake Altyn, which lies at the foot of them, I suppose, that they contained gold mines. The royal camp, or residence of the Turkish kham, was on the same mountains, and was situated, according to the observation of a Chinese astronomer, in the latitude of forty-nine degrees. (See Gibbon, Rom. hist, v.vii, p. 28.5, 289.)]]

[[N_04* See De Guignes, t. i, part, i, p. 237. Abulfaragii hist, comp. dynast, p. 175, 176. ed. Oxon. 1663.]]


The empire founded in Arabia by the pro-phet Mahomet, and extended by the rapid conquests of his successors as far as mount [Empire of Mahomet and the caliphs.] [Date of the hegira, July 16th, A. D. 622.] Atlas and the Pyrenees, had been weakened by division, and shaken by the contention of powerful parties for the right of succession to the caliphat*N_05. Moavia, governor of Syria, refused to acknowlege the sovereignty of Ali, the fourth caliph, and declared war against him in order to avenge the blood of his predecessor Othman. He obtained, rather by artifice than by force, the cession of Syria and Egypt, and, on the assassination of Ali and the abdication of his son Hassan, transferred the caliphat, in the forty-first year of the hegira, to the family of Ommias, the uncle of Mahomet, from whom he was descended †N_06. Fourteen princes of this dynasty, whose seat of government was in the city of Damascus, -swayed the Mussulman sceptre for about a century, notwithstanding some partial insurrections in favour of the house xxx of Ali, whose pretensions expired with Mehhdy, the twelfth imam, who disappeared in the year of the hegira two hundred and fifty-five, and, as the Persians believe, still exists upon earth, and will again appear to assert the rights of his house, and to establish his caliphat over the whole world*N_07. Abd'ullah the First, surnamed Seffah, the descendant of Abbas the cousin of Mahomet,, restored the caliphat to the race of Haschim, by the extermination of all the Ommiades who fell into his power †N_08. It continued in the family of the Abassides for the space of five hundred and twenty-three years, under the dominion of thirty-seven successive caliphs. Bagdad was the capital of their empire, which consisted of Armenia, Syria, Persia, xxxi Arabia, Egypt, and a part of India*N_09. Their reigns were however disturbed by the pretensions of the Fatimites, the presumed, descendants of the house of Ali by Fatima the daughter of Mahomet, who, regarding their ancestor as the rightful heir to the caliphat, on account of his relationship and his early and constant attachment to the prophet, branded not only the Abassides, but the immediate successors of Mahomet, with the name of traitors and usurpers, as the Abassides had, in their turn, stigmatized the caliphs of the house of Ommias. The dynasty of the Fatimites was first established in Africa. In the year 358 of the hegira they conquered Egypt, and built the city of Cairo for the seat of their government. Their spiritual supremacy was, however, acknowledged only by their own subjects, and, at the end of three centuries, it was again restored to the house of Abbas †N_10. xxxii The caliphs of this latter dynasty, even after the death of Mostasem and the almost total extinction of [A.D. 1258.] their family in Bagdad by the Mogol Tartars, retired to Egypt, and continued to exercise spiritual dominion over the faithful, until the reduction of that ancient kingdom to a province of the Ottoman empire*N_11.[A.D. 1519.]

[[N_05* The word caliph signifies vicar or lieutenant. The dignity was instituted by Mahomet himself, during his occasional absences from Medina, in the second year of the hegira. (See D'Ohsson, tableau general de l'empire Othoman, t. i, p. 214. 8vo. Paris 1788.)]]

[[N_06† See De Guignes, t. i, part. 1, p. 324. Tab. Gen. t.j, p. 216—223.]]

[[N_07* The Ottomans believe, that Mehhdy will be the precursor of the day of judgment, and the vicar of Jesus Christ in calling all nations to the knowledge of Islamism. (See Tab. Gen. t. i, p. 267.)]]

[[N_08† He collected together ninety-two princes of this unfortunate family, and sent in among them his servants armed with heavy clubs, who despatched them all. He then ordered carpets and mats to be spread over the heap of bodies, and made a sumptuous entertainment amidst the groans of his expiring enemies. Abd'ur-rahman was the only one who escaped : he fled into Spain, where he founded the caliphat of the beno-ummeye. (See Tab. Gen. t. t, p. 238, 239.)]]

[[N_09* See De Guignes, t. i, part. 1, p. 327. Tab. Gen. t. i, p. 232.]]

[[N_10† The Fatimites, as well as the Ommiades who reigned in Spain, are considered as anti-caliphs by the orthodox Mussulmans. (See Tab. Gen. t. i, p. 235.)]]

[[N_11* See De Guignes, t. i, part. 1, p. S31, 332, 369. Tab. Gen. t. i, p. 233—238.]]

The prophet Mahomet, who left no male issue, appears to have felt but little anxiety to ensure to his successors the temporal authority which he himself had exercised over his followers. A few days before his death he commissioned Abubekir to preside in his stead at the public prayers†N_12, but though he foretold, that the perfection, or legitimacy, of the caliphat would be destroyed after thirty years, and that it would give place to governments established by force, usurpation, and tyranny‡N_13, he omitted to establish any order of succession to the priesthood and the throne, either from an ignorance of the science of government, or from an unwillingness to weaken the authority of his divine mission by admitting the xxxiii contingency of his own death; and in fact, according to the Arabian historians, the angel of death, who attended on Mahomet in his last moments, did not dare to receive his soul till the agonizing prophet had himself signified his assent *N_14. Abubekir and the two succeeding caliphs founded their title, not on the appointment of the prophet or their connexion with his family, but on their own influence in the state, and the choice of their companions. The right of Ali, who tmited to his title of kinsman of the prophet the free election of the Mussulmans, would have been undisputed, if he had not been implicated in, or at least accused of being accessary to, the murder of Othman. The unwarlike disposition of the son of Ali, and his resignation of the sovereignty to his rivals, interrupted the order of hereditary succession, but this principle of government, when once admitted, continued afterwards to be acknowledged *N_15.

[[N_12† See Mignot, hist, de 1'emp. Ottom. t. i, p. 29. 12mo. Paris 1771. Tab. Gen. t. i, p. 214, 278.]]

[[N_13‡ This prediction was accomplished by the murder of the caliph Ali, after whom Mussulmans acknowledge only an imperfect caliphat. (See Tab. Gen. t. i, p. 212, 225.)]]

[[N_14* See Tab. Gen. t.i, p. 199. The death of Mahomet was doubted, and even denied by the most zealous of his disciples, after the event had taken place. Omar drew his scymetar in the midst of the assembly, and threatened to put to death any one who should dare to assert, that the prophet was no more. The faithful multitude would have submitted to the impression, if Abubekir had not convinced them by his eloquence, that not Mahomet, but the God of Mahomet, was the only infinity and immortal being. (See Mignot, t. i, p. 28.)]]

[[N_15* See Tab. Gen. t. i, p. 279, 281, 282.]]


The Abassides, as well as the Ommiades, ran the usual round of despotism. The few political maxims which had been transmitted by tradition from Mahomet to the caliphs, were insufficient for the regular government of their extensive empire. They passed from the labours of conquest and the acquisition of wealth to the criminal indulgence of their passions and the total neglect cf the duties of -royalty. At the end of three centuries their temporal sovereignty was taken from them, and though they retained the title of caliph, and the ostensible exercise of spiritual authority, even this powerful engine was wielded only to strengthen the authority, or to gratify the caprice, of the slaves who ruled over the empire and its master †N_16. [Usurpations and dynasties of the Turks and Turcmans.] The most powerful of the Turkish families who thus usurped the sovereign authority, were the Toulonides in Egypt, and the Sa-manides and Ghaznevides in Persia‡N_17. Nu- xxxv merous hordes of the same people continued, however, to wander over the plains which border the Caspian sea and the Persian empire. The Turkish kings, unmindful of the instruction to be derived from the history of their own elevation, resorted to the dangerous practice and policy of the caliphs, en-Jisted in their service the robust youth of the Turcman tribes, and were in their turn supplanted on the throne of Persia by the shepherd kings, who established the dynasty of Seljuk, and extended their empire from Sa-marcand to the confines of Anatolia and Syria*N_18.

[[N_16† See Voltaire, essai sur les mosurs, chap. liii. 8vo. Paris 1784. See in the Tableau General, t. i, p. 237—245, the character and the crimes of many of these caliphs and their generals.]]

[[N_17‡ See De Guignea, t. i, part, i, p. 237—239, for the Tou-lonides and their successors the Ikshidites: p. 239—240, for the Ghaznevides: p. 404—406, for the Samanides.]]

[[N_18* See Gibbon, Rom. hist. v. x, p. 333, 342, 343, 344.]]

The Roman empire was first invaded by [A. D. 1035.] the Turks about the middle of the eleventh century. Their conquest of Asia Minor was authorized, and even suggested, by the caliph of Bagdad, in order to settle a dispute between the Seljukian sultan, Malek Shah, and his kinsmen, the five sons of Cutulmisch who had fallen in battle against his father. Soliman, the eldest of these sons, accepted [Kingdom of Roum or Anatolia] the royal standard, and by his rapid victories established his hereditary command over xxxvi the new kingdom of Rotim, which, with the exception of Trebizond, comprehended the several provinces of Asia from Antioch and the eastern boundaries of Armenia to the Bosphorus and the Hellespont*N_19. The eldest branch of the family of Seljuk continued to fill the throne of Persia, and commanded the fealty of the royal brethren, who/ under the common- name of Seljukian princes, ruled over the kingdoms of Kerman, Syria, and Bourn. The city of Nice in Bithynia, within an hundred miles of Constantinople, was chosen by the sultans of this latter dynasty to be the metropolis of their kingdom and the seat of their government. These provinces, irretrievably sacrificed on the fatal day when the emperor Romanus Diogenes was defeat-ed†N_20, were ceded in a formal manner by the -treaty of Chrysopolis, or Scutari, and it was not till after the death of Sultan Soliman, with whom the treaty had been made, that the emperor Alexius extended the eastern Boundary of the Roman world as far as Nico- xxxvii media, about sixty miles from Constantinople. In the distress occasioned by the near ap- [Embassy of the Byzantine emperor to the council of Placentia. A.D. 1095.] proach of so formidable an enemy to the seat of the Byzantine empire, Alexius was induced to send his ambassadors to solicit succour from the princes of Europe, and to represent his case, as involving the general interests of the Christian world, before the council of Placentia, which was at that time assembled by Urban the Second. The resentment of Christendom had been already excited against the Turks by their conquest of the city of Jerusalem, and their molestation of the pilgrims who resorted in numerous bodies to perform their devotions at the holy sepulchre ; and a confederation of the princes of Europe was resolved upon for the purpose of expelling them from Palestine, to which design the relief of Constantinople was necessarily subordinate.

[[N_19* See D'Herbelot, bibliotheque Orientale, p. 721, troc. Roum. fol. Paris 1697. Cantemir, history of the growth and decay of the Othraan empire, p, 20, note 6. fol. London 1734. Do. spription of Asia in Sir William Jones's works, T,'T, p.584.]]

[[N_20† See Gibbon, Rom, bisu i. x. p. 358.]]

By means of the crusaders, whose first [The crusades. A.D. 1095-1099.] achievement, the siege and capture of Nice, was followed by a decisive victory over the sultan's troops in the battle of Dorylseum, Alexius was enabled to regain the sovereignty over several of the maritime and inland fortified cities of Asia Minor. The Turks were xxxviii expelled from the islands of Rhodes and Chios. Ephesus, Smyrna, Sardes, Philadelphia, and Laodicea, were restored to the empire, which now extended over the entire circuit of the coast of Anatolia, from Trebi-zond to the Syrian gates. The Seljukian sultans, who were thus removed from communication with the sea by the conquests of the emperors, were also separated from their Mussulman brethren by those of the crusaders, and especially by the establishment of the Christian principality of Antioch and the kingdom of Jerusalem, with their fiefs and dependencies. Indeed their power was so shaken by the victories of the Franks, and their empire so contracted by the encroachments of the Byzantine emperors, that they were compelled to remove the seat of government to Iconium, or Com/a, an obscure and inland town, above three hundred miles from Constantinople. In the mean time, the transitory dominion of the Franks in Asia, though supported by seven ill-conducted expeditions from Europe, and the mutual jealousy of the Fatimite caliphs of Egypt and the Turkish sultans of Damascus, was subverted by the efforts of the Saracens and Turks, and the genius xxxix of the atabek sultans Zenghi, Noureddin, and Saladin*N_21. This event was facilitated by their conquests over the Fatimites, which united under their sceptre the countries from the Tigris to the Nile. On the death of Saladin, the unity of his empire was broken: the hostile interests of the governors of Egypt, Damascus, and Aleppo again revived, and again subsided under the reign of the Mameluke sultans of the Baharite and Bor-gite dynasties, a race of Turcman and Circassian slaves, whose sway, supported by valour and discipline, and transmitted not to their heirs, but to the most deserving of their dependents†N_22, extended over Egypt, Nubia, Arabia, and Syria, and who effected, after a struggle of two centuries, the expulsion of the Franks from Palestine and the termination of the holy war.

The general confusion of the age introduced [Conquests of Jenghiz Khan.] [A.D. 1206-1227.] by the incursions and ravages of Jenghiz Khan and his successors, who conquered every thing between the AEgean and the Yellow sea, induced the emirs, or governors of the pro- vinces of Anatolia which had escaped the ravages of the Mogols, to renounce their allegiance to the sultans and to assume independent power*N_23.

[[N_21* See Abulfaragius, p. 250—267. D'Herbelot, bibl. Orient. voc. Atabek. De Guignes, t. ii, part.ii, p. 14-7—281.]]

[[N_22† See D'Herbelot, bibl. Orient, voc. Mamlouk.]]

[[N_23* See Cantemir, Ottom. hist, preface p. xii; p, 60, note 7,]]


[Emigration of the Othmanides.]

Such was the general state of Asia and the Greek empire when, in the 6llth year of the hegira and 1214th of the Christian sera, the great ancestor of the Ottoman princes, Soliman Shah, encouraged by the example, or alarmed at the progress, of Jenghiz Khan, quitted his settlements in Kho-rassan, a province of Persia, and his native city Mahan, and leading forth his subjects and associates to new conquests, first approached the confines of Anatolia. His conquests and his life were terminated by the river Euphrates, which he attempted to pass on horseback. His forces were divided among his four sons, and again united under Ertogrul, the eldest, who employed them in aiding the sultan of Icomum to conquer and expel the dispersed Tartars of Jenghiz Khan's expedition. He merited, by preserving and extending the sultan's dominions, the rank of generalissimo of his armies, which he bequeathed to his son Osman, whose ambition, assumed no higher title until, on the abdica- xli tion of the second Aladin, he seized and retained the sovereign power over the district which had been confided to his government*N_24.

Osman, the founder of the empire which [Osman, son of Ertogrul, founder of the Ottoman dynasty:] is still honoured with his name, was led in early life by the love of piety and learning to seek improvement in the society of sheiks and ulema, venerable for the austerity of their manners or the extent of their knowledge. A sheik in the neighbourhood of Eski Shehr, named Edebaly, possessed still greater attractions for the young prince in the personal charms of his daughter, Malhun-hatynn. Osman had seen her by chance or by design, and was smitten with her beauty, but he was deterred from marrying her by the apprehension of his father's displeasure, and restrained by the lady's prudence from a clandestine engagement. The governor of the city, whom Osman had entreated to use his good orifices in order to obtain the approbation of his father, was inflamed by his description, and privately sought, but failed in obtaining, the lady's hand. His treachery and the resentment of Osman involved the citizens in the horrors of civil war. The anxious desire of possessing his beautiful mistress, and the necessity of obtaining his father's consent, suggested to the prince an artifice which was justified by the manners of the age and the credulity of Ertogrul's character. He dreamed, or invented a dream:—a meteor, beaming with a mild light like that of the moon, arose from the side of the sheik, and rested on the navel of Osman, whence sprang a tree, whose top reached to the skies, and whose branches, bending under rich foliage and delicious fruit, extended to the furthest extremities of the universe: one bough, distinguished from the rest by a more lively verdure and resembling a sabre 'in its form, stretched out to the west towards Constantinople : all the riches and beauties of nature were spread out under the canopy of this wonderful tree, and invited the various tribes of mortals to enjoy the sweets of prosperity without the necessity of toil. The natural interpretation of such a prodigy pointed out the sheik, who was himself skilled in the art of developing mysteries, as the future father-in-law of a monarch, already united to him in community of faith, whose race, as was typified by the mysterious tree Tuba, one of xliii the wonders of paradise, should multiply their possessions, and extend their sway beyond the capital of the eastern empire. Such reasoning, seconded by the blooming beauties of Malhun-hatynn, was irresistible. Osman was submissive to the divine decree, and it even carried such full conviction to the devout Ertogrul that he was no less impatient than his son to hasten the accomplishment of the prediction*N_25.

The relaxed state of government and military discipline among the Romans, encouraged the inroads of the Turks, which continued with unremitting success, till Mahomet the Second, in the year fourteen hundred and fifty-three, placed himself on the throne of the C sesars. The power of the Ottoman sultans gradually extended from the banks of the Dnieper to the cataracts of the Nile, and from the Adriatic sea to the Persian gulf, over that portion of the globe which seems most favoured by nature, and which has been the parent, or the nurse, of all the sciences and all the arts of civilized life. [his military, political, and civil, government. A. D. 1299—1326.]

[[N_24* See Cantemir, p. 2—14.]]

[[N_25* See Tab. Gen. t. i, p. 353—359. Knolles, Turkish history, v. i, p. 9*. 6th edit. London 1687.]]


When we survey an empire of this vast xliv extent reduced to the subjection of a family which but three centuries before had sought refuge at the head of four hundred outcasts from the sultan of Iconium*N_26; when we reflect, that the conquests of this small band of adventurers were made in countries, over a small portion of which the allied powers of western Europe, from Rome to Britain, animated with native valour and the enthusiasm of religion, had with difficulty succeeded in establishing themselves even for a short period ; our inquiries are naturally directed towards the means which were employed, and the conduct which was pursued, in the accomplishment. We are led to expect in the history of the Ottomans the practice of the same virtues, and the development of the same talents, which, after a longer and more obstinate struggle, had given to the Roman people the dominion of the world. We find indeed in the earlier history of both people many strong traits of resemblance, both in their habits of life and their modes of warfare †N_27; and if the Turks had adopted the Roman maxim of renouncing their own, as xlv soon as they had discovered any better, usages, and of profiting by instructions which they might receive even from their enemies, the Ottoman dominion would perhaps have been distinguished both by its universality and its permanence.

[[N_26* See Gibbon, v. xi, p. 432.]]

[[N_27† See Montesquieu, considerations sur les causes de la grandeur des Romains, et de leur decadence, chap, i.]]

One great cause of the prosperity common to both empires in their incipient state and their early progress, was, that both were governed by a succession of rulers of extraordinary talents, of which no example is to be found in any other Asiatic dynasty besides the Turkish. To the genius of the kings of Rome may indeed be ascribed the superior merit of having elicited the martial qualities and latent energies of their subjects, while the Ottoman sultans were themselves cast in the mould of pre-existing institutions. Commanding a 'people possessed neither of industry nor skill, neither of commerce nor arts, but dependent, almost for their subsistence, on robbery and violence, desirous of war from education, from habit, and the confidence of superiority, restless from the near prospect of enjoyments, which werf with-held from them only by nations corrupted by wealth and enervated by luxury, the sultans were naturally led to gratify the xlvi predominant propensity of their nation, because it favoured at once the extension of their empire, the propagation of their religious belief, the pride of victory, and the lust of domination. Every thing conspired to make them consider the moments as lost which were not devoted to ambition, or occupied in the conquest of the infidels.

The first attack of an army stimulated by such powerful motives, was furious and generally irresistible. The Turks living amid the havoc of perpetual hostilities, were necessarily superior in strength, in experience, in skillj and more especially in that confidence of success by which victory is so often won, to a people averse from war, which they regarded as an interruption of their ordinary and more agreeable pursuits, and who, after repelling an imminent danger, immediately relapsed into their former habits of luxury and indolence. Hence the Turks became the terror and the envy of their antagonists and rivals: and when they had discovered the means of supporting a body of regular troops who were continually in the field, it operated as a new invention in the art, and gave them an infinite advantage in the conflicts, of war*N_28.

[[N_28* See Tab. Gen. t. iv, p. 437. Mignot, hist. Ottom. t. i, p. 101- Gibbon, v. xi, p. 435, 446.]]


The immediate cause, the chief engine, of their success were, as may be remarked in several other instances in history, a rigorous attention to military discipline, and a consequent accession of military skill†N_29. At an earlier period, the military science of the Greeks, and the numerous armies of Persia, had been forced to yield to the compact pressure of the Macedonian phalanx: the phalanx in its turn was vanquished by the legion, the last and chief improvement of ancient warfare, which, if its discipline had not been relaxed, would have upheld the Roman empire against external enemies for an unlimited period. On the abolition of the legion a barbarian system succeeded, and the west of Europe was covered with warriors, who, though possessing individually the greatest address in warlike exercises, emulated only the personal achievements of heroic warfare, and led on the great bodies of their soldiers by imitation and example, ra- xlviii ther than by an adherence to any principle of tactics or any system of combined operations.

[[N_29† See in Cantemir,p. 25, and in the Tab. Gen. t. iv, p. 116, the first establishment of regular pay and uniforms (though only with respect to the colour and shape of the turban) among the Ottoman troops.]]

The high spirit which animated the descendants of the Normans and Germans had now retired from distant and fruitless crusades, and was occupied chiefly in the wars, or the domestic feuds, of Europe. The eastern empire had protracted its feeble existence by arts calculated to debase the ruler, and to extinguish every spark of manly fire in the breasts of the people. The court of Constantinople had practised perjury and treachery, had submitted to insult and public reprimand: it had averted evil by degradation, by the payment of tribute, and by alliance with the petty captains of savage hordes. The Byzantine emperors opposed to the hardy and ferocious bands of Turkish warriors, to the keen swords and close array of the youthful and vigorous janizaries, only foreign mercenaries or natives acting from mercenary motives; " strangers without faith, veterans without pay or arms, and recruits without experience or discipline*N_30." The contest could not long remain doubtful, and by the natural xlix operation of those immutable laws which regulate human affairs, the timorous precautions, the delays, the intrigues, the conflicting passions, of a vitiated, declining, and debilitated, government, necessarily sunk before the boldness of conception, the unity of plan, the promptitude of execution, of a mind fixed on the attainment of extended sovereignty, and opposing to idleness and luxury the vigorous habit of exercise and temperance.

[[N_30* Gibbon, i. x, p. 352.]]

The unwarlike Greeks were not, however, the only enemies with whom the Ottomans had to contend. The downfal of the Byzantine empire was retarded by the fears, or the jealousy, of the emirs who still exercised independent power over the fairest provinces of the Seljukian monarchy. The territory of Sugut, on the banks of the Sangar, the hereditary lordship of the Ottomans in Bi-thynia, was inferior in extent and importance to many of those governments which were held by princes of the house of Aladin*N_31. The sovereignty of the emir of Cara- mania, which derives it name from the mountain Amanus, extended over Cilicia, and part of the frontiers of Lycaonia, Pamphilia, Caria, and the greater Phrygia, Ionia Ma-, ritima, as far as the city of Smyrna, obeyed the family of Sarukhan. The chief part of Lydia, with some part of Mysia, Troas, and Phrygia, formed the principality of Caraz or Kars. Aidin consisted of the greatest part of Mysia, together with some part of Lydia. The principality "of Mentes derived its name from a city in Caria called Mendos or Myn-dus. The city of Boli was the seat of government of the sons of OmuV, whose sway extended over Paphlagonia and Pontus, comprising the cities of Heraclea, Castamona, Sinope, and several others on the Euxine sea"*N_32. li These were the chief divisions of the Seljukian territory, which was peopled by a race of men united by their common origin* by the use of the same language, and the profession of the same religion. Their princes inherited the spirit of independence and love of war which, in that age, seemed to be congenial to the Turkish character; but tranquillity was preserved among them by a maxim, sanctified by the Mahometan religion and revered by its professors, that the swords of Mussulmans should not be drawn against orthodox believers*N_33. There were, however, several maritime and inland cities and castles in Asia Minor, and more especially on the borders of Osman's territory, which were still possessed by the Christian subjects of the Byzantine emperors, and were intermingled with those of the Turks, with whom continual and mutual aggressions produced constant war†N_34.

[[N_31* The Turks call it diminutively Suguchic (Cantemir, preface P- xiii), or Seugutdjik. (Tab. Gen. t. i, p. 355.) Ertogrul was buried in this town, and his tomb is to this day held in veneration by the Ottomans.]]

[[N_32* See Nicephorus Gregoras, 1. [273]ii, i. Leunclavius, historiat Musulmanics Turcorum, p. 23. fol. Francofurti 1591. ChaJ-condylas, 1. i. Knolles, v. i, p. 89. D'Herbelot, bibl. Orient, voc. Carman, Carax Hi, Aidin, Soli. De Guignes, t. ii, part, ii, p. 7S, 77. Mignot, t. i, p. 91. Gibbon, v. xi, p. 436.

The names or titles of the several governors, exclusively of the sultan of Iconium, are thus enumerated in the Turkish annals (seeCantemir, preface, p. xiij; but it would be impossible to ascertain the boundaries of their respective territories. " Churzem Shah (which, he says, signifies king of Caspia), Caramanogli, Azefbejan, Germiafiogli, Hamidogli, Kutrum Bayezid, Isfindarbey, Ahmedholamir, Tekkebey, Zuulcadirbey."

For the present divisions of these principalities, which now compose the beylerbeylik, or vice-royalty, of Anatolia, see Marsigli, stato militare dell'imperio Ottomanno, t, i, p. 105—109. Haya 1732.]]

[[N_33* See Mignot, t. i, p. 103, also Cantemir, p. 27; and p. 149, note 13.]]

[[N_34† See Knolles, v. i, p, 95, 96, 98. Cantemir, p. 26.]]


Osman had been authorized by the sultan of Iconium to extend his conquests on the side of the infidels, and to annex to his own dominion whatever he could wrest from them by force or policy*N_35. The Asiatic Greeks, thus insulated among powerful and irreconcileable enemies, could not protect themselves by union or confederacy, and despaired of succour from the Byzantine emperors, who, after the feeble effort .of Andronicus to raise the siege of Nice, withdrew their attention from Asia to the distracted state and domestic broils of their capital, and to their few remaining European provinces, while they left their subjects in Asia to the weak defence of their own territories†N_36. In the mean time Osman, by frequent and important acquisitions in Phrygia, Mysia, and Bithynia, laid the foundations of his empire: in his own life-time he extended it to the shores of the Hellespont, and established his seat of government in the city of Brusa. The Seljukian emirs saw with envy the extension of Osman's dominion over the cities of the Greeks, and endeavoured, rather by secret policy than open hostilities, liii to check his progress and disturb his tran-. quillity. But Osman had so terrified the Christians, by his consummate skill and san-guiuary practice in war, that they cautiously-avoided giving him any cause of offence. Before his power was firmly established he prudently connected himself, by a general treaty of amity, with the surrounding chieftains: but while the terror of his name enforced on the weaker members of the confederacy the strict observance of the conditions, he reserved to himself the right, as he possessed the means, of punishing real or supposed aggression by the seizure and confiscation of castles and territories, until his dominion was gradually extended over the whole, and his power was raised to an equality with that of the Mussulman princes his rivals*N_37.

[[N_35* See Purchas his pilgrimage, chap, via, sec, 3, p. 319.]]

[[N_36† See Knolles, v, i, p. 99. Cantemir, p. 18.]]

[[N_37* Sec Knolles, v. i, p. 100.]]

Formidable only to his enemies, Osman endeavoured to soothe into loyalty the subjects whom he had acquired by force, and to reconcile the conquered Christians to his government by the exercise of justice and of mercy; by leaving, in some instances, the ancient laws of the country without abrogation or change, or by the establishment and impartial admi- liv nistration of new and salutary regulations. He neglected no means, which the wisest policy could dictate, of alluring the conquered people to return to their settlements. Among the captives, the women and the children were taken under his peculiar protection. Submission ensured safety to all, and conversion to Mahometanism led to dignity and affluence. Their name and nation were no longer dear to the Greeks. Many who had fled from the arms of Osman, returned under his protection to the enjoyment of safety and repose in their ancient dwellings, and many were even allured, by the virtues or the blandishments of the Mahometans, to renounce the faith, together with the allegiance, professed by their forefathers*N_38.

[[N_38* See Knolles, v. i, p. 128. Mignot, t. i, p. 96,. 102 Gibbon, v. xi, p. 436.]]


The civil and military virtues of Osman were not the only causes of his success. The Turkish subjects of the neighbouring emirs flocked to the standard of a victorious prince, who distributed among his soldiers the fruits of his conquest, in whose success the favour of heaven was visible, and the continuance of whose prosperity was announced by the koran itself, which declares, that at the commencement of each century, a period which corresponded with the origin of the Ottoman monarchy, God will send to his people a chosen servant in order to renew their faith. This application of the prediction was further strengthened by a judicious interpretation of his name, the three first letters of which forming the word asm which signifies the breaking of bones, announced, according to the wisdom of the age, the hero Osman as one predestined to break in pieces the iron sceptre of the idolatrous princes, to crush the rivals of his power and the enemies of his house*N_39.

{Orkhan A. D. 1326-1360.}

[[N_39* See Tableau General, 1.i, p. 360.]]


Orkhan, in imitation of his father's prac-tice and in obedience to the precepts of the — ^so-Mahometan religion, made war only upon the Greeks. His avowed motive for extending his empire was not so much to acquire worldly greatness as to enlarge and support the fabric of heavenly worship†N_40. He did not, however, limit his ambition to victories over infidels. While he increased and cemented his power, the Seljukian emirs had, in many instances, weakened their states by dividing them among their children. The protection of the house of Osman was solicited in proportion as it grew formidable. Ork-han was invited to arbitrate between the heirs of the neighbouring provinces, whose dominions became the price of his interference, and gradually and imperceptibly dropped into his possession, by force or by fraud, by marriage or cession. The emirs resigned their independence, and sunk into vassalage by the acceptance of the standard and the robe of honour, which, while they assured to them the possession of their hereditary estates, not only bound them to the performance of military service to their liege lord, but confirmed the resignation of the distinctive prerogatives of royalty among Mussulmans, the mention of their name in lvii the khutbtè or public prayer, and the insertion of it on the current coin of the country*N_41.

[[N_40† See in the Tableau General, t. ii, p, 460, and in Cantemir's Ottoman history, p. 20, the discourse which Osman, on his death bed, addressed to his son Orkhan.

Tindal, the translator of Cantemir, says (p. 20, note 6), that Osman, by enjoining his son " to exercise a just friendship to-wards the Rumaen kingdoms," doubtless meant obliging the Christians of Europe to embrace Mahometanism, which, he adds, is, in the opinion of the Turks, the greatest kindness or friendship that can be shown to Christians. But it appears to me, on the contrary, that the injunction relates wholly to the line of conduct which Orkhan was counselled to hold towards the Seljukian emirs.]]

[[N_41* " Le droit du khoutbè et celui de faire battre monnoie, ont de tout temps forme les seuls droits regaliens des potentats Mahometans, chez lesquela le litre le plus caracteristique de l'autorite supreme est encore aujourd'hui celui de sahhib Ihoutbè ve sikkè c'est a dire, possesseur des droits du khoutbè et de la monnoie." (Tab. Gen. t. ii, p. 207.) See also Knolles, v. i, p. 99, 141. Cantemir, p. 25, 178. Mignot, t. i, p. 103—106. Gibbon, v. x, p. 79. Jones, introduction a 1'histoire de Nader Chah-, in his works, T. v, p. 10.]]

{Murad the First. A.D.1360-1399.}

While the Ottoman empire was limited to Asia, its preponderance silenced jealousy, or it crushed opposition, but when the son of Orkhan had effected his passage across the Hellespont, and the Ottoman armies were engaged in frequent and obstinate warfare on the opposite continent, the Asiatic princes united their arms for the purpose of recovering their independence. It was for this reason, that Brusa continued to be the seat of the Ottoman government even after the capture of Adrianople, and that Murad erected his European conquests into a beylerbeylik, or vice-royalty, as he deemed his own presence to be more necessary in Asia in order to restrain the rebellion of his subjects†N_42. The princes lviii of Caramania, whom the great extent and natural resources of their country rendered the most powerful among the Seljukian emirs, maintained a long and obstinate contest with the Ottomans for supremacy or independence*N_43. By their influence over the minor princes of Asia, and by their coalitions with the Greek emperors and the Christian princes beyond the Hoemus and the Danube, they stirred up war alternately on either continent, and on that frontier of the empire from which the Ottoman army was furthest removed†N_44. Their revolts greatly retarded the progress of the sultans in their fo- reign conquests, and protracted the final overthrow of the Greek empire: indeed the true beginning of the Ottoman greatness dates from the victory of Murad over the Caramanians and their allies in the field of battle near Iconium, a plain which had been signalized by the prowess, and whose name still records the success, of the crusaders*N_45.

[[N_42† See Cantemir, p. 35, Knolles, v. i, p. 133, 136. Gib- bon (T. xi, p. 444) indeed relates from the Byzantine annals, that Murad the First established the seat of empire at Adrianople. D'Ohsson (Tab. Gen. t. i, p. 361) dates this event in the year 1365, and say?, that Murad acted by order of a celestial spirit, who even pointed out the spot on which the imperial palace was to be built: but Lonicerus (hist. Turc. 1, i) attributes the first removal of the government into Europe to Bajazet the son of Murad: " regni Hadrianopolim sedes sibi legit ut esset."]]

[[N_43* The ancient Isauria is part of Caramania. Its inaccessible mountains, a branch of the Taurus, were the seat of the descendants of the pirates who were subdued by Pompey. They were afterwards the asylum of a few mutineers, who revolted from the ttandard of the emperor Gallienus, and preserved themselves for two hundred and thirty years in savage independence in the midst of the Roman armies. (See Gibbon, v. i, p. 454; f. vii, p. 130.)]]

[[N_44† See Cantetnir, ^ 48, *9[273] 88. Mignot, t. i, p. 206.]]

[[N_45* See Knolles, v. i, p. 135, 136. The plains near Dory-laeum, where the crusaders gained a decisive battle over Soliman, sultan of Roum, in the year 1097, were afterwards called firenk svalare.]]


The wars wherein both parties were orthodox Mussulmans, were, however, carried on with comparative mildness. Murad had ordered, that none of his soldiers, under pain of death, should use violence to the country people, or take any thing from them by force, in order that it might appear to the world, that he made war against Mahometans rather to repel injury and wrong, than from any lust of ambition or of avarice; and in further confirmation of the purity of his motives, he not only punished some Christian auxiliaries for transgressing his orders, but even permitted the conquered emirs to retain their territories. They were admitted to renew their tokens of homage and oaths of allegiance, and after lx patiently submitting to remonstrance and admonition, they again received the investiture of their principalities*N_46.

[[N_46* See Knollcs, v. i, p. 136.]]

Murad having thus intimidated and pacified Asia, extended his conquests, not only over the whole province of Thrace to the verge of the capital, but even into Macedonia, Bulgaria, Bosnia, Servia, and Albania, when he was assassinated on the field of battle, after gaining the victory of Cossova over the confederated army of the Sclavonian tribes, headed by Lazarus. prince of Servia†N_47. " The soul of this blessed lxi sultan," says the historian Sad'ed-dinn Ef-fendi, " decorated with the titles of conqueror and martyr, flew to the highest region of eternal bliss, marshalling under his triumphant banner the martyrs of that glorious day*N_48."

[[N_47† See Gibbon, v. x, chap. 65, for the emigration of the Sclavonian tribes from the countries between the Volga, the Don, and the Dnieper, and their conquest and occupation of the Roman provinces on the Adriatic sea, and the south of the Danube.

Laonicus Chalcondylas (de origine et rebus gestis Turcorum. Basil. 1556) thus describes the extent of the kingdom' of Bulgaria, and the distribution of its provinces among the zupans or feudatory lords. " Macedoniam, qua finitima est Axio flumini, [rex] commisit Zarco, viro apud ipsum dignitate primario. Earn regionis partem, quse a Pherris tendit usque ad Axium flumen, Pogdano tribuit, viro bono et rei militaris peritissimo. Regio-nem, quse a Pherris excurrit ad Istrum, Chrati et Unglesi fra. tribus concessit, quorum alter regius pocillator, alter regiorum equorum curator erat. Regionem Istro adjacentem nactus est, contribuente rege, Bulcus Eleazurus, Pranci films. Trica et Castoria obvenere Nicolao Zupano. AEtolia decreta est Prialupi. Ochridem et regionem Prilisbseam dictam Placidae, viro haud ignobilij regendam dedit. Commemorates modo tiros accepimus Europas regionibus prxfectos esse a rege Stepano, qui, ubi exhalavit animam, singuli suas regiones, quas a vivo gubernandas. acceperant, retinuere, fcederibusque inter se ictis, a se mutuo bello abstinuerunt. Gracis vero, ut cuique opportunum erat, admo-dum bellicis armis molesti eiant. Michaelem Mysiorum ducem, qui imperavit locis Istro subjectis et- regni sui sedem Trinabum constituit, Stepano antiquiorem extitisse audivi, prseterea Bul-garos, quos Mysios vocamus, ibi sedes tenuisse accepi. Service autem et Tryballos a se discretes tandem ad istum nomen emersisse." (1, i, p. 8, 9.)

The Sclavonian language (or the Illyric) is spoken, at this day, over a greater extent of country than any other living language ; for, exclusively of many countries of Asia, it prevails in Dalmatia, Croatia, Epirus or Albania, Bosnia, Servia, Bulgaria, Russia, Poland, Bohemia, and Silesia. It has no affinity with the Turkish or Hungarian.]]

[[N_48* See Tab. Gen. t. ii, p. 350.]]

The Mahometan princes of Asia had been subdued by force, but their minds were not -li yet moulded into slavish submission. Baja-zet was diverted from the prosecution of his wars against the infidel nations of Europe by their intrigues and their insurrections, till at length, finding it impossible to reconcile them, he resolved to keep no longer any lxii measures with treacherous allies or disaffected subjects. He openly renounced the peaceable maxims of his predecessors, and forcibly annexed to his empire the territories of the emirs, from the Mediterranean to the Euxine sea*N_49. The princes themselves were sacrificed to his ambition or his safety. All, except those who had gained his confidence by their tried fidelity and their implicit obedience* were slain, imprisoned, or expelled from their cities and governments. By these usurpations, and by his conquests in Armenia and on the banks of the Euphrates, Bajazet had now reached the term of his greatness, the frontiers of the Mogul empire.

Timour, or Tamerlane, a Mussulman prince, renowned for his austerity and his justice, ruled over the eastern world, and held liis imperial court in the city of Samarcand. The Asiatic emirs, oppressed by tyranny and misfortune, fled from the power of Bajazet by different routes and under various disguises;— they met together in the court of Tamerlane, recounted their grievances, and pre- lxiii sented their petitions, at the foot of his throne. Tamerlane, though attentive to the progress of Bajazet, had felt no envy at his -prosperity, but had witnessed with approbation his active and successful warfare against their common enemy, the Christians. He was unwilling to interrupt the holy occupations of Bajazet, who was at that time engaged in besieging Constantinople, and he affected to disbelieve, that a prince so zealous in the cause of religion, and so observant of justice, could exercise violence and oppression towards his friends and faithful associates. His jealousy was, however, awakened by the intelligence, that Bajazet, after subjecting the whole of Asia Minor, was meditating the conquest of Syria and Egypt, and had even made preparations for carrying on war against the sultan of Cairo: his resentment was also aroused by the protection and promise of support which Bajazet had given to Ahmed Djelair, khan of Bagdad and. Irak, whom Tamerlane had despoiled of his sovereignty; and his irresolution was fixed by the appearance of a comet, which, from its situation in the west of the heavens, wau pronounced by his astrologers to portend misfortune to the arms and the dominion of lxiv the Ottoman monarch*N_50. The ambassadors whom Tamerlane sent to the court of Brusa, were instructed, not only to claim from Bajazet the surrender of the rebel prince of Bagdad, but also to offer him the robe of vassalage, and to command, as the first proof of his obedience, that he should respectfully acquiesce in his sovereign's decision on the cause of the Seljukian emirs†N_51. Bajazet indignantly rejected the humiliating present, and having vented his resentment in studied expressions of reproach and insult, he dismissed the ambassadors, and prepared to vindicate in the field his independence and his conquests‡N_52. In the meantime, Tamerlane, lxv confident in his superiority and deliberate in his vengeance, judicially pronounced, that the Turkish princes had been unjustly dispossessed*N_53. He then marched against Sivas, or Sebaste, demolished the fortifications, razed the city to the ground, trampled the citizens under the hoofs of his cavalry, and again sent a summons to the sultan, exhorting him to return to the duties of religion and the practice of virtue, and to restore the princes to their rights. He admonished him to testify his submission by substituting the name of Tamerlane for his own, on the coinage and in the public prayers, throughout all his dominions, and finally he ordered him to contribute, for the immediate service of the invading army, a large supply of provisions and military stores†N_54. Bajazet refused and resisted, but resistance was in vain. His defeat in the plains of Angora may be attributed to the more numerous forces, and the superior skill, of Tamerlane, and to the defection of his own troops, many of whom, being collected from the conquered provinces lxvi of Anatolia, fled in the beginning of the battle to the standards of their lawful princes, and left the weight of the conflict to the inflexible, but unavailing, courage of the janizaries and native Ottomans*N_55. Tamerlane planted his victorious standard at Kutahia, and dispersed his troops, without further resistance, over the greatest part of the Ottoman empire in Asia. The captivity and the iron-cage of Bajazet are too well known, as the subjects of history or romance, to need further mention or refutation†N_56. He accepted from the hands of a master the robe of honour and the investiture of his rightful inheritance, but his haughty spirit sunk under the humiliation of dependence‡N_57. The Ottoman empire again assumed its ancient name of Roum, and was numbered among the twenty-seven kingdoms which acknowledged the sovereignty of the mighty Tamerlane*N_58.

[[N_49* See Cantemir, p. 4-7, 4-8, 49. Bajazet acquired the sur--name of ilderim or lightning from the frequency and quickness of his alternate marches from his European, to his Asiatic, frontiers.]]

[[N_50* See Knolles, v. i, p. 145. Cantemir, p. 53. Tab. Gen. 6. i, p. 863, 364. Gibbon, v. xii, p. 16, 17.]]

[[N_51† See the Institutes of Timour, p. 147. 4to. London 1783. Chalcondylas, 1. ii, p. 33. Knolles (p. 145) has knowledge of the robe sent by Tamerlane, but supposes it to be an act of kindness, instead of an assertion of superiority and a claim of homage. Cantemir, p. 54, (adopting the wilful ignorance of the Ottoman historians on a subject dishonourable to their nation, see p. 59, note 4; p. 100, note 11) despatches the whole of Tamerlane's expedition in three lines.]]

[[N_52‡ " Porro quod ad vestem attinet, regi vestro nunciate, ne posthac et genere opibusque prasstantioii hujusmodi munera mit-tere in animum inducat."—" tlxc ut relata sunt ad regem Temi-ntm Seraarchandam, ira graviter accensum ferunt vestitus con-Amelia." Chakoudylas, 1. ii, p. 35.]]

[[N_53* See Chalcondylas, 1. ii, p. 33.]]

[[N_54† See Chalcondylas, 1. ii, p. 34. Knolles, v. i, 'p. 149. Tab. Gen. t. i, p. 366. Gibbon, v. xii, p. 19.]]

[[N_55* For the accoutit of the battle of Angora, see Knolles, v. i, p. 151. Gibbon, v. xii,-p. 26. Cantemir (p. 5i, note 22) asserts, that the battle was fought near the city of Brusa in Bithynia; and the abbe Lechevalier (voyage de la Propontide et du Pont-Euxin, t. i, chap, v, p. SO. Paris 1800) arrogates to himself the merit of having decided this historical problem, from the discovery of some human bones a nd rusty weapons in a field near Brusa.]]

[[N_56† See an able discussion of this question by Gibbon, V. xii, p. 30—86.]]

[[N_57‡ See Mignot, t. i, p. 152. Gibbon, v. xii, p. 31.]]

[[N_58* See the institutes of Timour, p. 163. It would appear by the following passage, that Gibbon did not rightly apprehend the tystem of Tamerlane's government. " His most destructive wars were rather inroads than conquests. He invaded Turkestan* Kipzak, Russia, Hindostan, Syria, Anatolia, Armenia, and Georgia, without a hope, or a desire, of preserving those distant provinces. From thence he departed laden with spoil, but he left behind him neither troops to awe the contumacious, nor magistrates to protect the obedient^ natives. When he had broken the fabric of their ancient government, he abandoned them to the evils which his invasion had aggravated, or caused, nor were these evils compensated by any present or possible benefits." Cante-mir so entirely misconceives the policy of Tamerlane that he bursts out in rapturous admiration of " the unparalleled generosity of the barbarian." (See Ottom. hist. p. 53, and p. 59, note 5.)]]


{Interregnum. A.D. 1409-1413}

The sons of Bajazet, and the Seljukian emirs were re-instated in their, hereditary dominions, and confessed, by the homage of the coin and prayer, their own dependence, and the clemency of their common lord. Soliman, the eldest of Bajazet's sons, had escaped from the field of battle into Europe: he was enabled, by the interposition of the sea, and the refusal of the Greek emperor to facilitate the passage of it to the Tartars, to preserve the Ottoman name from the ignominy of total submission‡N_59. Mussah was lxviii appointed by Tamerlane to the government of Anatolia, and Issa to that of Angora, Sinope, and the neighbouring countries on the Euxine sea. Mahomet had been entrusted by his father with the government of Amasia, which formed the Turkish frontier against the Christians of Trebizond and Georgia, and which, though it appears to have escaped the notice, or at least not to have excited the resentment, of Tamerlane, required the continual exertion of prudence and valour to defend it from the ravages of the Tartars*N_60.

[[N_59 ‡ Cantemir (p. 59) relates, that, on the arrival of Tamerlane'sambassadors at Adrianople, Soliman refused to receive from them the investiture of his government, and drove them from his presence with contempt and insult; and that Tamerlane, in order to; punish his refractoriness, conferred the government on Mussah. Gibbon, however, who, in order to acquire a jutt idea of these events, has compared the narratives and prejudices of the Moguls, Turks, Greeks, and Arabians, says, that So-liman, the son of Bajazet, soothed the pride of the conqueror with tributary gifts, and accepted, by a red patent, the investiture of the kingdom of Romania, which he already held by the sword. (Rom. hist. v. xii, p. 37.)]]

[[N_60* See Cantemir, p. 59—61. He, however, omits the mention of Issa, whose name, together with those of several other Ottoman princes, the sons of Bajazet, he supposes to have been introduced by the ignorance of Phranza and other Christian writers, (p. 59, note 6.) Gibbon (v. xii, p 48, note 7*5) appeals to the testimony of Arabshah (torn, ii, c. 26) and Shere-fedden (1. v, c. 57) for the existence of Issa, who is also noticed by Leunclavius (hist. Musul. Turc. 1. viii, p. 371), by Knolles, v i, p. 159, and by D'Herbelot, bibl. orient, voe. SaiaziJ) p. 175.]]


The Ottomans, though they omit the name of Tamerlane in the catalogue of their mo-narchs, consider this period of their history as an interregnum. None of these princes, on account of the division and the dependent nature of their power, are classed among the Ottoman sultans, nor honoured with the title of padisliah. They are merely distinguished by the appellation of chelebi. The death of Tamerlane, the division of his empire among his sons, their discord, and the ambition of his great captains, relieved the Turkish provinces from the Tartar yoke. Eleven years, however, elapsed in the mutual endeavours of the sons of Bajazet to supplant each other, before Mahomet effected his final triumph, and assumed the title of sultan*N_61.

[[N_61* Gibbon (v. xi, p. 449) shows from the history of Ben Schounah, a contemporary Syrian, that Bajazet first received the title of sultan from the caliphs of Egypt. D'Ohsson (tab. gen. t. i, p. 233) mentions Bajazet's embassy to the caliph Mohammed XI, for the purpose of obtaining his benediction and the grant of the countries which he had inherited or conquered. Cantemir (p. 14) asserts, that Osman assumed, and impressed on his coin, the title of sultan: the title of emir-ul-wmera (imperator imperatorum) was, however, that which was conferred upon him by the last of the Seljukian sultans (tab. gen. t. i, p. 255), with which he appears to have remained satisfied, (See Knolles, v. i, p. 99.) Mignot (t. i, p. 100) says, that Orkhan first took the title of sultan, as being more suitable to the extent of country which he governed than that of emir, with which, however, it is in some respect synonimous, as indicating only the temporal power.]]


The permanence of the Ottoman government during this long suspension of its regular exercise, is, perhaps, the most remark-aBle circumstance in the history of the nation. The empire had been dismembered by the policy of the conqueror. The union between the several governments was not only dissolved, but they were put in declared opposition, in order to counterbalance each other's power: and to prevent defection or revolt. The prevalence of a prejudice among the Turks which connects the prosperity of the empire with the Ottoman government, preserved the attachment of the subjects to the blood and family of its founder, and prevented competition among the neighbouring princes for the dominion of its hereditary possessions, and its acknowledged and legitimate conquests. The vital principle of the Ottoman government was, however, more especially preserved in the European provinces of the empire by the institution of the military order of janizaries, which had been formed, in the reign preceding that of Baja- lxxi set, by a levy of every fifth captive taken in the Thracian or Sclavonian wars:—an improvement of the military system first introduced and established by Orkhan*N_62.

This permanent body of infantry served as a rallying point to the dispersed Ottomans, and kept up the spirit and discipline of their armies†N_63. To the overawing influence of this establishment are also to be attributed the supineness of the Byzantine emperors, and the inattention of the governments of Christendom to a juncture apparently so favourable to the extermination of the Turkish power in Europe, and to the reduction of it in Asia. No combined attack was made upon the European Turks, although, in their insulated situation, it could hardly have failed of success. No means were even used to intercept the communication of Europe with Asia, which-a fleet, stationed at the Hellespont, could so easily have effected. The Greeks, on the contrary, assisted the passage of Mahomet mto Europe, and irrecoverably lost, on his accession to the throne of Bajazet, the opportunities which they had neglected during a long and stormy interval*N_64.

[[N_62* See Cantemir, p. 25. Tab. Gen. t. iv, p. 116. Voltaire, cssai sur les moeurs, chap. Ixxxvii.]]

[[N_63† Cantemir says (p. 62, note 11), and the remark- evinces that deficiency of criticism which characterises the oriental historians, that " it is matter of astonishment to the Turks, that Soliman, who was immersed in every vice, was so successful in his affairs ; whilst Mussah, endowed with so many virtues, was very unfortunate in war, so that, either out of pusillanimity or caution, he never durst come to a pitched battle."]]

[[N_64* See Cantemir, p. 77, note 19. Gibbon, v. xii, p. 51, 54.]]


{Mahomet the First. A.D. 1413-1421.}

Mahomet the First restored the inte-grity and the peace of the Ottoman empire. A few days before his death he summoned Murad, who was governor of Amasia, to come and take possession of his inheritance, and concluded his letter by a distich of his own composition in the Persian language. "Night has overtaken me, but a bright day will succeed: my rose is faded, but it will be replaced by a flower of more delicious fragrance*†N_65."

[[N_65† See Tab. Gen. t. ii, p. 481.]]

{Murad the second. A. D. 1421—1451. }

Mustafa, the eldest of the sons of Bajazet, had fallen in the battle against lamerlane; but an impostor (for such the Ottoman historians have determined him to be), from a strong resemblance of shape and feature, assumed the name and character of the heir of the empire. The princes of Wallachia were the first to encourage and promote his pretensions, but their army was routed by lxxiii Mahomet, and their country was at once exposed to ravage and subjected to tribute. The life of the impostor was preserved by the timid policy of the Greek emperors, who no longer dared to oppose the Ottomans in the field, but endeavoured to weaken their strength by intestine broils*N_66. Murad the Second, in the very commencement of his reign, was reduced to the greatest difficulties by the victorious progress of Mustafa. The artifices of the impostor could be counteracted only by the artifices of superstition ; and the final success of the sultan was owing more to the predictions of a Mahometan saint, than to the superior courage of his troops, or the stronger attachment of the Ottomans to his government†N_67. The Christian princes of Europe and the Asiatic emirs were implicated, equally with the Greek emperor, in the guilt of this treachery ; and justice, no less than policy, dictated to the victorious sultan the necessity of completing Bajazet's system, by depriving the emirs of their governments, and by lxxiv re-ducing under his sceptre Servia, Macedonia, Thessaly, Albania, and the whole of Greece to the north of the isthmus of Corinth*N_68. By these conquests the frontiers of the Ottoman empire were extended to the borders of Hungary, the entrance into whose plains was defended only by the fortress of Belgrade, and the valour and military resources of the celebrated Hunniades. The resistance and the inroads of the Hungarians compelled the sultan to conclude a truce of ten years, by which the Danube was declared to be the common boundary of the two countries†N_69. Murad, having thus restored .peace to the empire, resigned the government to his son Mahomet,, who was then only in his fifteenth year, but he soon after resumed it in order to punish the treachery of the king of Hungary, who, in contempt of the solemn engagement into which he had recently lxxv entered, suddenly renewed the war, and invaded the Turkish territories, instigated by, or confederated with, the Caramanian emir, who, though frequently chastised, continually renewed his attempts to shake off the Ottoman yoke*N_70. The Byzantine emperors had entered into the league with the Hungarians, and the Hellespont was occupied by the gallies of the Franks. But Murad either purchased the connivance of the Catholic admiral, or forced the passage of the Bos-phorus, and advanced by rapid marches to oppose the invaders†N_71. The event of the battle of Varna, in which Ladislaus lost his army and his life, was considered by the Turks as the visible interposition of heaven, and foreboded to the Christians the annihilation of the liberty and independence of Europe‡N_72.

[[N_66* See Phranza, 1. i, c. 39, 40. Cantemir, p. 74. Gibbon, T. xii, p. 47, 48, 51, 55.]]

[[N_67† See Tab. Gen. t; i, p. 369, Cantemir, p. 80.]]

[[N_68* See Cantemir, p. 82—87. Caramania was not, however, entirely subdued until the reign of Mahomet the Second (Cantemir, preface, p. x, and Ottom. hist. p. 110), or that of his son Bajazet the Second. (Knolles, v. i, p. 304.) Chalcondylas, in describing the state of the Turkish empire under Mahomet the Second, seems to confirm the assertion of Cantemir. " Asiam autem distribuit in semaeas (i. e. sanjacs) sive signa." (l. viii, p. 137.)]]

[[N_69† See Mignot, t, i, p. 206.]]

[[N_70* See Cantemir, p. 88, note 37.]]

[[N_71† See Gibbon, v. xii, p. 161, 190. Canterair (p. 89) says, that Murad passed through Gallipoli into Europe.]]

[[N_72‡ "Ten thousand Christians were slain in the disastrous battle of Varna: the loss of the Turks, more considerable in numbers, bore a smaller proportion to their total strength (60,000 men, see j>. 161) j yet the philosophic sultan was not ashamed to confess, that hit ruin must be the consequence of a second and similar Victory." (Gibbon, v. xii, p. 163.) A strange diffidence in the resources of his empire.]]


European writers have assigned, or conjectured, various motives for this monarch's abdication of the government. It has been called philosophy, bigotry, and indolence*N_73: but Murad, who'was literally frightened to death by a dervish, who met him on the road near Adrianople as he was returning from hunting, and announced to him, that the angel of death was already at his door, can have but little claim to the character of a philosopher†N_74. Gibbon erroneously supposes him to have retired into a monastery, and to have joined in the religious dances of the dervishes, in order to expiate the sins of his government‡N_75: but bigotry, in a Mussulman prince, can point out the performance of no ceremonies so efficacious to such an end as perseverance in the path of victory over infidels; and Murad's resumption of the sovereignty, merely to rescue the state from foreign war and domestic faction, acquits him of not attending to his duties, or of resigning himself to the allurements of debauchery and idleness.

[[N_73* See Voltaire, essai sur les moeurs, c. Ixxxix, p. 283, 284-. Gibbon, v. xii, p. 152, 153, note 15. Mignot, t. i, p. 214, 217.]]

[[N_74† See Tab. Gen. t. i, p. 371.]]

[[N_75‡ Gibbon quotes the authority of Chalcondylas (1. vii, p. 286), whose assertion is disproved by the silence of the Ottoman historians (see Cantemir, p. 88, 91, 92, note 43), and by his own imperfect knowledge of the religion and customs of the Turks. The ztehidt of Chalcondylas (unless, as I believe, it be the word sheik written according to the modern Greek pronunciation) are not recognizable in any of the thirty-two societies of derv'uhes enumerated by D'Ohsson. (See Tab. Gen. t. iv, p. 622—626.)]]


{Mahomet the Second. A.D. 1455-1481.}

The admirable situation of Constantinople, the walls and suburbs of which, under Con-stantine Palseologus, comprised the whole of the Roman world, and the history of its last memorable siege, are familiar to every reader. The events of this siege have been related both by the victors and the vanquished, and consequently with all the disagreement to which their opposite feelings on the occasion must have given rise. It is, however, probable, though the Turkish soldiers were unsparing in their search after private property, which, by the sultan's proclamation, was consigned to them as their lawful prize, and were unrestrained in the gratification of their appetites, that, as they experienced no further resistance after their entrance into Constantinople, the capture of the city was attended with less bloodshed than any other which is recorded in the Ottoman history*N_76. The final subversion of the Byzantine empire, the subjugation of the principalities in the Morea, and the resignation of the sovereignty of Trebizond by David Comnenes into the hands of Mahomet the Second, immediately followed the conquest of the imperial city*N_77.


[[N_76* See Gibbon, v. xii, p. 231, 236.

It is confirmed by the unanimous testimony of the Greek and Turkish writers, that Mahomet, in order to Attack the city on the side of the harbour, transported a flotilla overland from the Bosphorus. This bold and extraordinary plan was executed in a single night, though the intervening space of ground is hilly. The distance is, however, erroneously stated to be about ten miles; for it is even less than two miles from Beshiktash on the Bosphorus to Cassim Pasha on the harbour. (See Cantemir, p. 98, note 8, Gibbon, p. 220, note 48.)]]

Mahomet the Second acquired the surname of fatih, or the vanquisher, from the number and the importance of his conquests. He subdued, according to, the account of the national historians, two empires twelve kingdoms or principalities, and two hundred fortified cities†N_78. He united under his sceptre all the provinces in Europe which had formerly belonged to the eastern division of the Roman empire, and the whole of Asia on this side mount Taurus. He expelled the Genoese colony from Kaffa in the Crimea, and confirmed the khan of the Tartars in the dominion over the hordes which were diffused throughout that peninsula, and the deserts on the north of the Euxine sea from the Dniester to the Cuban. The khan submitted, however, to receive from the sultan the investiture of his dominions, and bound himself to military service in defence of the rights, or the pretensions, of his sovereign*N_79. After the death of Mahomet his generals were recalled from the conquest of Italy, which they had already successfully commenced by the sack of the city of Otranto.


[[N_77* See Gibbon, v. xii, p. 246—251.]]

[[N_78† See Cantemir, p, 107, note 24.]]

[[N_79* Cantemir, though he acknowledges, that the khutbi was >aid throughout the Crimea in the name of the Ottoman emperof (see p. 113), yet inconsistently asserts, that the khan is permitted to coin money with his own name inscribed on it. (See p. 11, note 9.)]]

{Bajazet the Second. A. D. 1481-1512.}

Bajazet the Second rather consolidated than enlarged the dominion which he had inherited from his ancestors. He wrested, however, some important cities on the sea coasts of Albania and the Morea from the Venetians, who ratified the possession by treaty for the preservation of some commercial advantages, which, in the opinion of the historian Mignot, constituted not merely an, equivalent for the loss of honour and terri-tory, but even exhibited the triumph of weakness and industry over physical and military strength*N_80. He restrained the piracies of the Moldavians on the Black Sea, by the capture of the strong fortresses of Kilia on the Danube, and Akkierman on the Dniester†N_81. He annexed to the Ottoman empire the cities of Tarsus and Adana, and the district which lies between Caramania and Syria, which, till then, had maintained its neutrality and its independence‡N_82.


The beginning of the reign of Bajazet had been disturbed by the pretensions of his brother Djem, who founded his title to the succession on the circumstance of his having been born the son of a sultan, whereas the birth of Bajazet had preceded the elevation of his father to the imperial dignity. Djem, who held the government of Magnesia, raised a powerful army, but was defeated by the grand vizir Ahmed. He then fled to the sultan of Egypt, who offered his mediation with Bajazet, but did not encourage nor assist his pretensions. He next excited the Caramanians to rebel, but the war -terminated in their subjection to the power of the sultan. He finally escaped by sea to the island of Rhodes, and took refuge among the knights of Saint John of Jerusalem.

[[N_80* See Knolles, v. i, p. 312—315. Cantemir, p. 133. Mig-not, t. i, p. 348—351. It was indeed a series of such triumphs which led the effeminate and virgin city to the ludicrous consummation of her Gallic nuptials in the eighteenth century.]]

[[N_81† See Knolles, v. i, p. 303. Cantemir, p. 125.]]

[[N_82‡ See Knolles, v. i, p. 304. Cantemir, p. 125—129. It appears, however, from Cantemir's history (p. 114, sec. xxxi, and note 47), that the father of Bajazet had already taken this district.]]


This military and religious order was instituted about the middle of the eleventh century for the purpose of succouring pilgrims, and of protecting them in their dangerous journey through Palestine. When Jerusalem was abandoned, the knights took up their residence in the island of Cyprus, where the house of Lusignan continued to reign; but the obligation of their oath, the restlessness of the military spirit, and the love of glory, prompted them to acquire by arms an independent establishment. They obtained possession of the island of Rhodes after an obstinate contest with the inhabitants, who, aided by the Saracens, had shaken off the yoke of the Byzantine emperors ;—here their navy continued to harass the commerce, and ravage the coasts, of the Turkish empire. Their power had become so formidable as to excite the attention, and repulse the attack, of Mahomet the Second*N_83.


[[N_83* See Knolles, v, i, p, 113. M'gnot, t. i, p. 261 — 267, 291—306, 310—355.]]

The grand master of the order received and protected the fugitive rival of the sultan, and firmly resisted both the solicitations and the menaces of Bajazet, but consented at length to remove him to a greater distance from the Ottoman territories, in consideration of an advantageous treaty which was offered him by the porte. Djem embarked far Italy, and resided at Rome in safe but honourable custody, until the French king Charles the Eighth, having seized upon the kingdom of Naples, and extended his schemes of conquest to Greece and European Turkey, claimed possession of his person, and removed him to Naples, where he was soon after murdered by an emissary of the sultan†N_84.

[[N_84† See Cantemir, p. 119—123.' Such is the relation of the Turkish historians. Mignot, on the authority of the Christian writers, attributes his death to Alexander the Sixth, who was bribed to perpetrate this atrocious action by a sum of three hundred thousand ducats sent him by Bajazet.]]


Bajazet, from a wish to secure the sue* cession to his son Ahmed, unadvisedly declared his intention of resigning the government. He was himself suspected by the janizaries of disaffection to their order: they compelled him therefore to execute his purposed resignation; but they conferred the sovereignty on Selim, his youngest son, who had already given proof of his enterprising turbulence by taking up arms against his father and sovereign*N_85.

[[N_85* See Knolles, v. i, p. 302. Cantemir, p. 136—138. Migv *ot, t.i, p. 331, 332, 367, 368.]]

{Selim the First. A. D. 1518-1519.}

Selim the First, surnamed Yavuz or the Cruel, having defeated and strangled his brothers, who were competitors for the throne, saw himself the undisputed master of an extensive empire, mighty in itself, and defended on every side by rivers, mountains, and deserts. The Julian Alps, the Save, and the Danube, formed the Turkish frontier on the side of the Venetian and Hungarian territories. The lofty range of mount Taurus, a natural boundary between the Ottoman empire and the kingdoms of Persia and Syria, was possessed, from the borders of Amasia to the extremities of Caramania, by the princes of Lesser Armenia, and by the wandering tribes of the Kurds and Turc- mans*N_86. The kingdom of Shah Ismael, founder 01 the family of Sefi, consisted at that time of Persia, Media, Mesopotamia, and the Greater Armenia†N_87; and the Borgite dynasty of the Mamelukes reigned over Egypt and Syria, from Cyrene to the banks of the Euphrates‡N_88. The Mahometan faith was diffused over these powerful Asiatic monarchies; but its purity was corrupted in the kingdom of Persia by the introduction of new doctrines, which had been promulgated by a recluse whom the Turkish historians contemptuously style the slave of Satan, and embraced with equal zeal by the sovereign and his subjects§N_89. Their heresy excited the devout resentment of the Ottoman sultan, and urged him to punish, and to avenge, the injuries which his father and grandfather had received from the Persian king by his encroachments on the Ottoman territories, and the protection which he had' recently afforded to the bro- thers of Selim*N_90. He forced a passage over the mountains, encountered the perils of the desert, and having obtained a signal and decisive victory over the Persians in the plain of Chalderan, marched against the city of Tauris, which immediately opened its gates to the conqueror†N_91.


[[N_86* See Knolles, v. i, p. 344, 345, 853. Mignot, t. i, p. 383, 391. Volney, voyage en Syrie et en Egypte, t. i, p. 359 —365. Sme edit. Paris, an vii.]]

[[N_87† See Knolles, v. i, p. 319, 352. Mignot, t. i, p. 383.]]

[[N_88‡ See Knolles, v. i, p. 306, 359.]]

[[N_89§ See Knolles, v. i, p. 316, 350. Cantemir, p. 136, 139, 145. Mignot, t. i, p. 354—363. Tab. Gen. t, i, p. 123.]]

[[N_90* See Knolles, v. i, p. 321—324, 341, 343, 344, 346, 350. Tab. Gen. t. i, p. 125, 133.]]

[[N_91† See Knolles, v. i, p. 343, 344, 345, 348. Mignot, t. i, p. 383. Tab. Gen. t. i, D. 134.]]


The sultan led back his victorious army to Amasia, loaded with booty, but diminished in numbers, and depressed by suffering and disease. The Kurds and the inhabitants of the mountains harassed them in their retreat, attacked them with advantage in the defiles, while they eluded pursuit in their inaccessible retreats‡N_92. Selim, whose ambition projected the entire conquest of Persia, no longer dared to leave in his rear such faithless allies, or such dangerous enemies. He gratified at once his resentment and his policy by subjugating Armenia, Mesopotamia, and the territories of the Kurds and Turcmans, from the lake of Van to the confines of Syria*N_93.


[[N_92‡ See Knolles, v. i, p. 346, 349. Cantemir, p. 151. Mignot, t. i, p. 390.]]

[[N_93* See Knolles, v. i, p. 351, 404. Cantemir, p. 152—155. Tab. Gen. t. i, p. 378.]]

The Mahometan, as well as the Christian, potentates felt a just and natural alarm at the continued success, or approximation of a neighbour at once §o turbulent and so enterprising. Selim put a stop to their progress by the rapidity of his movements, or awed them by the magnitude of his preparations. He marched from mount Taurus to the Danube, and by his menacing aspect dissipated the intended confederacy of the Emperor and the kings of Hungary and Poland against the Ottoman power†N_94. He stationed a strong army on the borders of Persia, and found employment for the arms of Ismael by exciting the Hyrcanians and the Tartars of the plains which lie between the Don and the Volga, to attack the Iberian and Albanian nations which were under the protection of Persia‡N_95. He then led a numerous army to Aleppo, with the real, but dissembled, intention of subverting the whole Persian monarchy, which, notwithstanding, he feared to attack, till he had secured the fidelity, or had disabled the enmity, of the Egyptians*N_96.

[[N_94† See Knolles, v. i, p. 354, 355, 357.]]

[[N_95‡ See Knolles, v. i, p. 352, 378.]]

[[N_96* See Knolles, v. i, p. 357. Mignot, t. i, p. 333—355.]]


Egypt, the civilization of which had begun at such an early period that even before the time of Abraham its government had degenerated into absolute monarchy, has patiently endured, during two thousand three hundred years, the successive dominion of strangers. It flourished in opulence and splendour under kings of the Persian and Macedonian dynasties, and from the era of its submission to the arms of the Caesars, was considered the most valuable and important province of the Roman empire, until Amrou, lieutenant of the caliph Omar, {A. D. 638.} conquered it from the Byzantine emperors. The government of the Saracens succeeded to that of the caliphs, and the last king of the race of Ayub, which was the name of the father of Saladin†N_97, was dethroned and mur- {A. D. 1250.} dered, soon after the defeat and capture of Saint Lewis at the battle of Mansura, by the Turcman Mamelukes, his body-guards, the most valiant, hut the most disorderly, soldiers in Asia. A Turcman occupied the vacant throne, and the Mamelukes thenceforward arrogated to themselves the privilege of electing and cashiering the sovereign of Egypt. Their history, for two hundred and fifty-seven years, is a series of crimes and disorders. The Turcman, were supplanted by the Circassian, Mamelukes. Thirty-three military despots succeeded to each other, and few among them except the first, who occupied his troops in the conquest of Syria, either enjoyed a long reign or experienced a natural death*N_98.


[[N_97† Saladin was by birth a Kurd, his army was composed principally of cavalry, called in the Arab language serrâdjin, whence the crusaders formed the national appellation of Saracen.]]

[[N_98* See in Volney (t. i, p. 244, note) a synopsis of an Arabian manuscript in the national library, No. 786, containing the history of the governors of Egypt from the caliph Omar to the Turkish jiasha, the representative of the Ottoman sultan, in the year 1620.

Amrou, in a letter to the caliph, thus describes the country of Egypt. " Prince of the faithful! paint to thyself a beautiful champaign country situated between deserts, and two ranges of mountains, one of which appears a sand-hill, and the other re-sembles the back of a camel or the belly of a starved horse. Such is Egypt. All its riches and productions, from Syene td Mensha, are owing to a blessed river which flows with majesty through the midst of it. The periods of its rise and fall are as regular as the courses of the sun and moon. At a certain season of the year all the sources in the universe pay to this king of ri~ vers the annual tribute to which Providence has subjected them,. Then its waters swell till they overflow their bed, and cover the land of Egypt, depositing on its surface a prolific slime. Commerce between the villages is carried on at that time only by means of light boats, which are as numerous as the leaves of the palm-tree."


" When the moment arrives that its waters are no longer necessary for fertilizing the soil, the docik river re-enters the bounds which Nature has prescribed to it, in order that ihe treasure may be collected, which it has laid up in the bosom of the earth."

" A people protected by heaven, and which, like the bee, seems destined to labour for others without profiting by the fruits of its toil, lightly opens the ground, and depositing the seeds, awaits their fecundation from the bounty of that Being who causes them to germinate, to grow, and to ripen. The seed develops itself, the stalk rises, and the ear is formed, by the aid of an abundant dew, which supplies the want of rain, and keeps up the nourishing moisture with which the soil is imbued. A rich crop- is immediately succeeded by sterility. Thus, O prince of the faithful, Egypt offers by turns the image of a powdery desert, a liquid and silvery plain, a black and slimy marsh, a green and waving meadow, a garden blooming with flowers, or a field covered with yellow harvests. Blessed be the creator of so many wonders."

" Three things, O prince of the faithful, essentially contribute to the prosperity of Egypt, and the happiness of its inhabitants. The first, not lightly to adopt projects engendered by fiscal avidity for increasing the taxes: the second, to employ a third of the revenue in keeping up the canals, the bridges, and the dikes : the third, to levy taxes only in kind, 'on the fruits which the earth produces."]]

The seeds of war, which Selim had matured by his conquest of Tauris, and his victories over the princes of the mountains, had been sown in the preceding reign by xc Bajazet's seizure of the intermediate country, and by Caitbey's protection of Djem. Both nations, although they had engaged in actual warfare in behalf of their dependents or their allies, were, however, restrained from open or avowed hostilities by mutual respect for the number, the strength, and the prowess, of their enemies. The Ottoman sultans were superior in the physical robustness of their infantry, in their steady valour and rigorous discipline; while the Mameluke cavalry, which has preserved its reputation through all the successive improvements in the art of war, constituted the main support of the Egyptian armies. The Mamelukes of that age were chiefly of the Circassian race: they greatly excelled the Turks in military exercises, in the skilful management of their horses and arms, and in the precision and celerity of their manoeuvres : their courage was moreover fortified by the remembrance of the advantages which they had recently obtained over the armies of Bajazet, in their skirmishes on the frontiers of Caramania and in the mountainous district which separated the two monarchies*N_99.

[[N_99* For the constitution and discipline of the Mamelukes see Knolles, T. i, p. 355, 356. Volney, t. i, p. 142—158.]]


Cansou Ghawry, the sultan of Egypt, advanced with equal forces to meet the army of Selim, and, according to Cantemir, offered his concurrence in the pious attempt to extirpate the heresy of the Persians*N_100. Other historians assert, with greater probability, that he was in league with the Persians, and had led out his army in their defence†N_101. Selim, however, preferred his submission to his alliance, and profiting by the secret, but inveterate, enmity of the governors of Damascus and Aleppo, he encouraged their desertion from the standard of Egypt. The power of the Mamelukes was dissolved by the decisive battle of Meritz Dabik, in which the Egyptian sultan was slain with the flower of his army. The submission of Syria and Palestine, the defeat of the new king ot Egypt, Touman Baih, with the conquest of that country, immediately followed. Mecca sent her keys to the conqueror in token of submission, and her scherif received the orders of Selim which regulated the succession to the principality. Even the Arabs of the desert did homage to the sovereignty of the sultan*N_102.

[[N_100* See Cantemir, p. 156,157. Volney, t. i, p. 85.]]

[[N_101† See Knolles, v. i, p. 354, 357. Mignot, t. i, p. 403. Tab. Gen. t.i,p. 134.]]


[[N_102* See Knolles, v. i, p. 359, 360, 361, 362, 375, Cantemir, p. 158, 167—169. Volney (t. i, p. 370) thus describes the .^Arabian deserts. " Pour se peindre ces deserts, que Ton se figure sous un ciel presque toujours ardent et sans nuages, des plaines immenses et a perte de vue, sans maisons, sans arbres, sans ruisseaux, sans montagnes: quelquefois les yeux s'egarent sur un horizon ras et uni comme la mer. En d'autres endroits le terrein se courbe en ondulations, ou se herisse de rocs et de ro-cailles. Presque toujours egalement nue, la terre n'offre que des plantes ligneuses clair-semees, et des buissons epars, dont la solitude n'est que rarement trouble par des gazelles, des lievres, des sauterelles et des rats. Tel est presque tout le pays qui s'etend depuis Alep jusqu'a la mer d'Arabic, et depuis I'Egypte jusqu'au golfe Persique, dans un espace de six cents lieuee de longueur trois cents de large."]]

Selim confirmed, with certain modifications, the form of administration which al-Yeady prevailed in Egypt. He chose from among the Mamelukes who had survived the shock of his arms and the ebullition of his resentment, twenty-four beys, or chiefs, to whom he again confided the government of the Egyptian provinces, the collection of the tribute, and the regulation of the police; but he subjected their authority to that of the divan, or council of regency, which was composed of the pasha†N_103 and the military xciii chiefs, and was supported by a standing army of twenty thousand infantry and twelve thousand cavalry*N_104. Syria and Palestine were divided into pashaliks, and became more immediately incorporated with the Ottoman empire by the similarity of their govern-ment†N_105.

[[N_103† The Turkish word patJia is formed of two Petsian word's pa-ikah which signify literally vice-roy.]]

[[N_104* See Volney, t. i, p. 92—94., 98, 99, HO, 141, 142. The government established by Selim subsisted till the year 1746, when Ibrahim Kiahya effected a revolution which transferred to the Mamelukes the reality of power, and reduced the authority of the Ottoman porte and the pasha to a nullity and a pageant.]]

[[N_105† See Volney, t. ii, p. 39.]]

The sultan returned to his capital, leading with him the last caliph of the house of Abbas, by whose resignation he obtained for the princes of the Ottoman dynasty the title of caliph, so important in the eyes of Islamism as conferring the powers of sovereign pontiff, administrator of justice, and doctor of legislation. The rights of the caliphat had indeed been exercised by his ancestors from the foundation of the Ottoman monarchy, but under titles which indicated only temporal power, such as bey, emir, and sultan‡N_106. He died while projecting new conquests.

[[N_106‡ See Mignot, t. i, p. 419.]]


As a conqueror, Selim in his conduct, his activity, and enterprise, merited the highest praise; but the concurring voice of posterity condemns his inhumanity to his family, to his friends, and even to his enemies*N_107. The mind of Selim was, however, adorned or vitiated by the literature, and the philosophy, of his age and country; while his character was marked by the most revolting incongruities. The same man, whose vengeance reared, on the banks of the Nile, a pyramid of human skulls, constructed and embellished the pavillion of the nilometre. The inscription in Arabic verse was of the sultan's own composition. " All the riches and the possessions of men belong to God, who alone disposes of them according to his will. He overturns the throne of the conqueror, and scatters the treasures of the lords of the Nile. If man could claim as his own the smallest particle of matter, the sovereignty of the world would be divided between God and his creature*N_108."

[[N_107* Cantemir relates (p. 163), that on Selim's march toward* Cairo, one of his vizirs, encouraged by the familiar conversation in which he was engaged with his officers, jocularly asked, when they were to enter a certain village in the neighbourhood of that city. " We shall indeed enter," said the sultan, " when God pleases, but for thee, it is my pleasure, that thou stay here," and thereupon ordered the vizir's head to be instantly struck off.]]

[[N_108* Tab. Gen. t. i, p. 382.]]


{Soliman the First. A. D. 1519-1566.}

Soliman ascended the throne of his father under the most favourable auspices. He was born in the nine-hundredth year of the hegira, and was himself the tenth sultan of the Ottoman race;—this combination of perfect numbers was considered by his subjects to presage the splendour of his reign and the prosperity of his empire. His father, the victim of superstition, had acknowledged on his death-bed, that a holy man of Damascus, who enforced his belief by foretelling his victory, had also predicted, that, though his own reign should not exceed nine years, that of Soliman should extend through half a century. " If heaven in its mercy," exclaimed the merciless sultan, " would grant me so long a reign, it should equal that of Solomon." The same prediction which had certainly shortened the life of his father, incited Soliman to engage, with the assurance of success, in those enterprises which have illustrated his reign, and have rendered it the most brilliant in the annals of the Ottoman monarchy†N_109.

[[N_109† See Tab. Gun. t. i, p. 387.]]


The conquests of Selim had secured the empire in Asia from the apprehension of external attack, and left to Soliman the choice of extending its boundaries either to the east or the west. The Hungarians waited his determination with anxiety, but without using the precautions which their own situation and the affairs of Europe seemed to require. Belgrade, which had successfully repelled the attacks of Mahomet the Great and his father Murad, and was considered not only the bulwark of Hungary, but the chief barrier of the Christian commonwealth, was, nevertheless, left with a garrison insufficient for its defence, and ill-supplied with provisions and military stores. Soliman began his attack on Hungary by the siege of this important fortress, which he captured in less than a month, and thus opened a passage into the heart of Christendom and laid the seat of future war beyond the ancient bounds of the Ottoman empire*N_110. But he deferred xcvii his schemes of continental aggression until he had obtained a second triumph over the memory of his great ancestor, by compelling the knights of Saint John to surrender the island of Rhodes; a sovereignty possessing every advantage of climate, of soil, and situation, which they had held in the midst of the Turkish empire for two hundred and twenty years, and which they at last relinquished by honourable capitulation after a furious and protracted siege*N_111.

[[N_110* See Knolles, v. i, p, 882, 405. Cantemir, p. 176. Mig-not, t. i, p. 430. Mr. Coxe, however, who has had the advantage of consulting the histories of national and contemporary writers, says (History of the house of Austria, v. i, p. 549. 4to, London 1807), that " the garrison was well provided with every means of defence," and that, " after a siege not distinguished by any remarkable event, the place was surrendered by treachery to the infidels."]]

[[N_111* See Knolles, v. i, p. 382—404. Cantemir, p. 176. Mig-not, t. i, p. 430—469.]]

Though Rhodes, while in the hands of the knights, was acknowledged to be the only defence of Italy against the fleets and armies of the Turks, it had received no assistance from the Christian princes in its last great struggle. Venice was in league with the porte. Italy, Germany, France, and Spain, were distracted by civil dissensions, by religious disputes, by mutual distrust, and by implacable hostility†N_112. The general politics xcviii of Europe, and the incomplete union of its states in any plan of defence against the common enemy, precluded the expectation, and even the possibility, of effectual co-operation among them. In this posture of affairs, the councils of Soliman were decided by the peculiar inaptitude of Hungary for resisting, unsupported, the shock of the Turkish arms. That kingdom, now left open to his incursions, was governed by a prince whose youth, whose inexperience, and incapacity, prevented him from exerting any authority over the nobility and clergy, who engrossed all the wealth and power of the kingdom*N_113. Soliman stationed an army of sixty thousand men under the command of the beylerbey of Anatolia for preserving the tranquillity of Asia: he sent a strong fleet of observation into the Archipelago: he appointed a large convoy of transports to proceed up the Euxine and the Danube for the supply of his army; and he himself advanced towards Hungary at the head of two hundred thousand men†N_114.

[[N_112† See Knolles, v.i, p. 388, 391, 394,402, 404. Robertson, history of the reign of the emperor Charles V, v. ii, p. 201* 8vo. London 1802.]]

[[N_113* See Knolles, v. I, p. 40*, 405, 422. Robertson, v. ii, p. 373. Coxe, v. i, p. 548.]]

[[N_114† See Knolles, v. i, p. 405. Mignot,t. i, p. 428.]]


In the meantime Lewis, embarrassed by the tedious forms of the feudal constitution, assembled the states of his kingdom, whose previous sanction was necessary to enable him to summon the Hungarian nobility to take up arms in defence of their invaded country. He endeavoured to animate and to unite the resistance of the whole community by the revival of an ancient custom— the carrying about of a bloody sabre, as a signal of the danger which threatened the lives of the inhabitants and the independence of the state*N_115.

[[N_115* See Knolles, v. i, p. 405. Coxe, v. i, p. 549.]]

The military force of Hungary consisted almost wholly of cavalry, composed of the nobles or possessors of fiefs, their vassals, and servants. Infantry, whose superiority in war was again beginning to be felt in the west of Europe†N_116, not being provided by the feudal institutions, could be supported only by taxes, which the king could not levy, as the great paid no imposts, and the people had neither industry nor commerce. Every proprietor of land was obliged, in consequence of his military tenure, to march with a proportionate number of vassals under the c standard of the officer of his district. These forces, which were not consolidated by any identity of discipline and skill, could make but a feeble resistance against a regular army, even if they had been united under one command. But though every consideration of prudence and of patriotism evinced the imperious necessity of repressing faction and of adhering to the sovereign, the nobility still continued to make their own pri-r vileges the primary object of their concern. The king could command the attendance of the nobles only in extraordinary circumstances, and under peculiar conditions. He could summon all the armed force of the country to his camp when the state was acknowledged to be in danger; but the service of the feudal vassals was for a limited time, and they could not be compelled to carry on war far beyond their own frontier. They were privileged to serve only about the person, and under the immediate command, of the king, and not in flying camps, nor detached bodies; and on this ground they refused to occupy passes which might arrest the progress of the Turks, preferring the conservation of an injurious distinction to the interest of the commonwealth. The soldiery ci were impatient of the restraints and the privations of a camp: they were prepared for sudden and hazardous enterprises, but not for strenuous constancy even in the defence of their country. Their country to the great body of the inhabitants was indeed a term void of animation: considered as the property of the nobles, they were exposed to the rigours of aristocratical oppression, and were noticed by the law no further than as they were prohibited from pleading against, their masters.

[[N_116† See Robertson, v. i, p. 112, 137.]]

In the ordinary affairs of government, the prerogative and authority of the king were circumscribed and impeded by the powers and privileges of the diet and the nobility In military affairs, his commands were obey. ed only as far as they were agreeable. The nobles and their vassals, boiling with intemperate courage, would consent to be led to action only when and how they chose Their impatience compelled the king to quit an advantageous position, and to descend into the plain to the attack of an army eight times greater than his own*N_117. The officer who carried the standard of Hungary before cii the king, had his spurs taken off in compliance with an ancient custom*N_118; nor did the behaviour of the troops belie this demonstration of desperate courage, but Lewis was killed, and his army was destroyed, by the event of the battle of Mohatz, in which { A. D. 1526.} upwards of twenty thousand Hungarians fell. The capital, the chief fortresses, and the open country, surrendered to the mercy of conquerors inflamed with zeal, with avarice, and revenge. Soliman led back his army, loaded with booty and encumbered with captives, and left the impoverished and depopulated country deprived of regular government, torn by domestic factions and the contentions of foreign princes for the vacant throne†N_119.

[[N_117* See Knolles, T. i, p. 405. Mignot, t. i, p. 479, 480.]]

[[N_118* See Mignot, t. i, p. 481.]]

[[N_119† See Knolles, v.i, p. 406. Cantemir, p. 180, 181. Mignot, t. i, p. 482, 483. Robertson, v. ii, p. 373. Coxe, v. i, p. 550.]]

The male race of the royal family of Jagellon became extinct by the death of Lewis. John de Zapoli, count of Zips and vaivoda of Transilvania‡N_120, being at the head of a re- ciii spectable body of troops, convoked an assembly of the states at Tokay, and by his influence with the nobility, who were averie from the dominion of foreigners, obtained for himself the ejection to the throne of Hungary. He was, however, opposed by a strong party headed by the great palatine, Stephen Battori, who caused Ferdinand archduke of Austria, brother of the emperor Charles the Fifth, to be elected by a diet assembled at Presburg. Ferdinand, who by the cession of his brother united under his sway and in his own person all the German dominions, and all the pretensions, of his house, founded his claim to the succession of Bohemia and Hungary on ancient treaties in favour of his family, and on his own marriage with the princess Anne, the only sister of Lewis the Second: but as the feudal institutions existed in their full vigour in these kingdoms, he cautiously avoided the assertion of his rights, and obtained both crowns according to the usual mode of election. The causes which contributed to the elevation of Ferdinand, were, on the one part, the calamities of the kingdom and the necessity of providing additional nieans of security, and on the other, the civ envy which was naturally excited among the Hungarian nobility by the preferment of the vaivoda. In these circumstances, the. personal merit and great resources of the brother of the emperor, aided by the intrigues of his partisans and of his sister Mary, the widow of Lewis, prevailed over national prejudices, and secured a considerable majority of the nobles in favour of the foreign candidate.

[[N_120‡ " Transilvania was annexed to the kingdom of Hungary by king Stephen in 1002, and governed by vice-roys appointed by the king, under the name of vaivoda" Coxe, T. i, p. 559, note.]]

John found himself unable to maintain by arms the ascendancy which he had acquired. He abandoned his capital, and flying from province to province before the armies of Ferdinand, took refuge at last in Poland with his brother-in-law Sigismund. Thence he despatched an able emissary to Constantinople, who succeeded in interesting the sultan in his behalf, by offering to hold the kingdom as a fief of the Ottoman empire which it had gained by the law of arms*N_121. Soliman indeed needed no intreaties to make the crown of Hungary really dependent on-the porte by this seeming act of magnanimity and generosity. It was a natural policy rather to surround his empire with weak and- cv tributary states than with powerful and independent kingdoms*N_122. He refused to acknowledge the election of Ferdinand, contemptuously dismissed his ambassadors, who had not only endeavoured to assert and to justify his claim and title, but had presumed to demand the restitution of the Hungarian fortresses which the Turks still held, and encouraged the partisans of John by a solemn promise to restore him to' the throne†N_123. The Ottoman army marched to Buda without meeting resistance. The German garrison {A. D. 1529.} capitulated, but was put to the sword on pretence of some infringement of the articles of the treaty‡N_124. Soliman captured with the same facility the principal fortresses along cvi the Danube r he advanced into Austria, and laid siege to Vienna, but his operations were frustrated by the loss of his heavy artillery, which had been intercepted on its passage up the Danube and sunk by the garrison of Presburg. He was finally compelled by the approach of the rainy season, and the scientific and vigorous resistance of the governor and garrison, to draw off his army and to, leave the work unfinished, though, to as-swage his disappointment or to expedite his retreat, he issued a general order for the murder of all the prisoners before raising the siege*N_125.

[[N_121* See Knolles, v. i, p. 407—409.]]

[[N_122* Knolles (v. i, p. 409) wholly mistakes both the Ottoman policy and the character of Soliman: he asserts, that " the sultan was not so desirous of kingdoms as of glory and renown, being naturally carried away with that windy vanity."]]

[[N_123 See Knolles, v. i, p. 410. Mignot, t. i, p. 495. Mr. Coxe (v. i, p. 553) has given a more particular account of Soliman's answer to the ambassadors, from the historical works of John Zermegh, a native of Sclavonia and a contemporary writer. (Hist. rer. gestarum inter Ferdinandum et Johannem. Schwandtner, scriptores rer. Hungar> t. ii, p. 394.) The speech of the sultan is, however, so inconsistent with the established style and ceremonial of the Ottoman court that it seems scarcely deserving of credit.]]

[[N_124‡ See Cantemir, p. 185.]]

[[N_125* See Knolles, v. 1, p. 411—414. Cantemir, p. 190—193. Mignot, t. i, p. 496—500.]]

The sultan, piqued at the dishonour done to the Ottoman arms by the resistance of the Austrians, still cherished the ambitious project of subduing, not only the hereditary dominions of Ferdinand, but the whole of {A. D. 1532.} Germany†N_126. The army which he again assembled and led through Hungary, was computed to consist of five hundred thousand cvii men*N_127, but its effects were shamefully dis-proportioned to its magnitude. It was occupied for twenty-eight days in the fruitless siege of Guntz, an insignificant and badly fortified town in Styria, was deterred from approaching Vienna, the avowed object of the expedition, by the forces which Charles had conducted from Italy, Spain, and the Low Countries and augmented by the contributions from the states of Germany, and was finally disbanded, after wasting the open country of Styria and Carinthia, and carrying many thousands of the country people into captivity†N_128.

[[N_126† See Cantemir, p. 175. " Viennara quidem alio nomine quam dedecui et ignominiam suam designare non lolet." i: us-becpii epist. p. 264. 12mo. Oxon. 1660.)]]

[[N_127* See Knolles, v. i, p. 417. Robertson (v. iii, p. 58) says 300,000 men.]]


[[N_128 See Knolles, v. i, p. 416—420. Coxe, v. i, p. 556— 558. Mr. Coxe is of opinion, that, in the first irruption of 1529, " nothing perhaps could have prevented the subjugation of Hungary, had not Soliman been compelled to withdraw and direct his arms against the Caramanian princes, who on a report of his death had risen in rebellion" (seev. i, p. 551): and that, in the campaign of 1532, " the retreat of the sultan was hastened by a diversion of the imperial fleet under Andrew Doria, who alarmed the coasts of the Archipelago, captured Corona, one of the fortresses commanding the Dardanelles, and threatened Constantinople itself." (Seep. 558.) I have not extracted these passages from a work of acknowledged merit for the invidious purpose of pointing out their obvious inaccuracy, but for the sake of removing a difficulty which repeatedly occurs to the readers of Turkish history, by an attempt to explain the cause of the frequent retreats of the Turkish armies from conquered countries, and their renewal of the same series of operations in sue" cessive campaigns. Such conduct is inexplicable except by the information which is derived from an acquaintance with the feudal, and particularly with the Ottoman, policy. The feudal syttem, which is admirably adapted for retaining conquests in a country which has been previously and totally subjugated, is, how* ever, so far repugnant to the spirit of extending dominion that it necessitates the settlement of an army of feudal proprietors in the conquered country, sufficient to hold in subjection the ancient and dispossessed inhabitants; and consequently so complete a conquest as to enable the victors to make a new distribution of the whole of the landed property. Now the Turkish army consisted principally of persons possessed of military fiefs at home, whose term of service in each campaign was limited, and who were desirous, at its expiration, to return to their domestic occupations. To these the sultan could offer no inducement to remain in garrison in a country only partially subdued. His regular soldiers were not sufficiently numerous for the purpose, and his revenues were inadequate to the maintenance of a large body of the volunteers, even if they would consent to be retained, and the defence of the country could be safely entrusted to them. Hence then the enemy's country, though entirely over-run in the course of the campaign, was constantly evacuated on the approach of winter, until by the repeated incursions of the Turkish armies it became so completely ravaged, and the courage and resources of the inhabitants so exhausted, as to have prepared it by degrees for an incorporation with the empire. It is obvious, that the subjugation of a country so warlike and so populous as Hungary was incomplete, even after one or two successful campaigns so that no garrison of regulars or mercenaries which the sultan could leave behind, would have been sufficient to maintain their ground, and therefore it was, that Soliman repeatedly withdrew the whole of his army, and not on account of the depredations of free-booters in Turcomania and Kurdistan (see Cantemir, p. 181, note 19), nor the "successes of the Italians in the Morea. (See Cantemir, p. 195.) ]]


The retreat of Soliman gave to Ferdinand another opportunity of reclaiming the dominion of Hungary, but he was prevented from availing himself of it by the immediate return of the greater part of the foreign and auxiliary troops, and by the departure of Charles for Italy and Spain, in spite of the intreaties of his brother to leave his army at his disposal, or to employ it in his cause*N_129.

[[N_129* See Knolles, v. i, p. 420—422. Coxe, v. i, p. 559.]]

Hungary was ravaged by all the evils consequent upon a contest for the sovereignty. The rival kings, unable to support their pretensions without the assistance of the emperor and the sultan, persisted, however, in carrying on a desultory warfare in the frontier provinces of each other's territories. The German army penetrated into Sclavonia, notwithstanding a league of amity into which Ferdinand had entered with Sohman, and attempted to surprise the Turkish garrison at Esseg on the river Drave, but was repulsed with loss and disgrace by the troops of the pasha of Belgrade†N_130. The interference of the Turks in the affairs of Hungary exposed the wretched inhabitants to all the calamities of a hostile invasion. " In vain had nature blessed this kingdom with mines of gold, and with the real treasures of corn and wine; in vain had she favoured the inhabitants with strength of constitution and quickness of understanding ; the country now appeared as a vast desert, which exhibited only towns in a state of ruin, fields which the husbandmen tilled with the sword in one hand, villages' dug under ground where the inhabitants concealed themselves with their corn and cattle, and a hundred fortified castles the possessors of which disputed their independency with the Turks and Germans*N_131." John, however unwilling to renounce the royal dignity, wept over the success of his cause and the distresses of his country: he endeavoured to terminate, or to diminish them by secretly covenanting with Ferdinand, that he should retain the title of king of Hungary with the territory actually in his 'possession, but that, on his demise, if he left no heirs, and he was then unmarried, the dominion of the whole should devolve to Ferdinand†N_132. This treaty procured only a temporary relief; for the king, though advanced in, years, afterwards married Isabella, daughter of Sigismund king of Poland, and though he survived his marriage only a short time, he left an infant son, who was acknowledged by the greater part of the Hungarian nobility, and was crowned under the revered name of Stephen, the founder of the monarchy. The regency, {A.D. 1540.} during his minority, was entrusted to his mother and guardians*N_133. Ferdinand' laid claim to the kingdom in virtue of his compact with John, who, however, appears to have considered it as annulled by the birth of his son, an event against which no stipulation had been made; but trusting as much to negociation as to force, he offered to So-liman to hold it as a fief of the porte,* and to pay the same tribute as his predecessor, while, at the same time, he sent an army to demand the surrender, or to undertake the siege, of the capital of Hungary. The queen, who possessed ambition and spirit to support the rights of her family, rejected the claim of Ferdinand, and appealed to So-liman, the lord paramount, for protection and support. Soliman imprisoned the German ambassadors, who had presumed to approach him with words of peace, while their master was carrying on war in the kingdom of his vassal and ally: he encouraged the citizens of Buda to hold out, until, by the assistance of the troops whom he detached from his grand army, the Germans were compelled to raise the siege by night, and to retreat with great slaughter*N_134.

[[N_130† See Knolles, v. i, p. 455—462. Cantemir, p. 195. The Turkish annals celebrate the victories of this campaign, and the subsequent submission of the princes of Sclavonia, with the surrender of upwards of twenty cities and towns.]]


[[N_131* Voltaire, essai sur les moeurs, chap. cxix.]]

[[N_132† See Knolles, v. i, p. 468, Mignot, t. i, p. 506. Robertson, v. iii, p. 216. Coxe, r. i, p. 559.]]


[[N_133† See Knolles, v. t, p. 469, 470.]]


[[N_134* See Knolles, v. i, p. 4.70–4-78. Cantemir, p. 204. Mignot, t. 11, p. 6–10. Robertson, t. iii, p. 216–219. Coxe v. i, p. 560, 561, 562.]]

Soliman arrived before Buda in the autumn. Affairs now seemed ripe for the consummation of those ambitious projects which he had meditated from his first invasion of Hungary. His conquest was insecure while the government of the kingdom was vested in the house of Zapoli, which had always shown itself impatient of tributary subjection, and was now become peculiarly incapable, on account of the sex and youth of Isabella and Stephen, of overawing faction, or defending it from the Austriaris. The sultan continued to reside in his camp, as he was prohibited, by the customs of his nation from lodging within a walled town which did cxiii not acknowledge his jurisdiction, and restrained by decency and the etiquette of the Ottoman court from visiting, or receiving in his pavillion, a lady who was the daughter of his ally and the widow of his vassal. He therefore invited the queen to send her infant son to the imperial camp, to receive in person the assurances of his powerful protection. The vigilant anxieties of a mother foreboded the consequences of- the visit, but the imperial basilisk fascinated her into compliance. A magnificent entertainment was prepared for the nobles who escorted their sovereign, and they were detained in the camp; whilst the janizaries, silently and without resistance, seized upon the principal gates of Buda, and disarmed the guards. The child was kept as a hostage until the regency had summoned all the military commanders of the fortresses and provinces to submit to the Ottomans, and the queen was directed to retire with her son into Transilvania, which, by way of compensation, he was to hold as a fief. Soliman entered the capital of {A. D. 1541.} Hungary in triumph, and converting its principal churches into mosques, consecrated the success of a stratagem which, as is justly observed by a dignified historian, " suited the cxiv base and insidious policy of a petty usurper, rather than the magnanimity of a mighty. conqueror*N_135." He ordained, that Buda should thenceforward be kept by a Turkish garrison, and that the kingdom of Hungary itself should constitute a beylerbeylik of the Ottoman empire†N_136.

[[N_135* Robertson, v. iv, p. 45.]]

[[N_136†See Knolles, v. i, p. 478 - 482, Cantemir, p. 184, note 24, p. 205. Mignot, t. ii, p. 10 - 13. Robertson, v. iii, p. 219.]]

The seizure of the kingdom of Hungary, however repugnant to every principle of honour or morality, was sanctioned by the policy and practice of the Ottoman cabinet. I am not disposed to exculpate this act of treachery; but it should be recollected, injustice to the character of Soliman, that Hungary was acknowledged to be his own : his right to it had been acquired by his arms, and confirmed by the actual homage of John and the proffered submission of Ferdinand. If, according to the feudal maxims, the detection of treachery on the part of the vassal, or an evident incapacity to discharge the functions of royalty, justified the resumption of the government into the hands of the lord paramount, the conduct of John and the cxv state of affairs under his successors furnished Soliman with such a plea. It would indeed have beerv more consistent with the imperial dignity to have openly asserted this prerogative, and Soliman could have harboured no doubt, in the situation of the country at that time, of the ultimate success of whatever measures he might employ in order to effect his purpose. It is possible, that motives of humanity concurred with those of policy in dictating a deviation from the laws of honour. The garrison might have protracted its resistance, until the season should arrive when the authority of the sultan over the greatest part of his troops would cease, and his influence be insufficient to prevail upon them to remain in the field: on the other hand, if Buda should be taken by assault or be compelled to surrender after standing a siege, the sultan himself could scarcely restrain his exasperated soldiery from plundering and demolishing the city, and murdering the citizens.

The Hungarian nation was not attached to the reigning " family by the remembrance of a long line of illustrious ancestors, or of any actual services which they had rendered to the state. The people were naturally cxvi averse from " bringing inevitable desolation upon the country in the hopeless defence of an infant king, who could not, even by a successful resistance to the Turks, remove the impending danger of a foreign, and not less odious, dominion. The greatest part of Hungary thus became incorporated with the Ottoman empire: the people were consoled by the enjoyment of repose, and the nobles were reconciled to the loss of national independence by the preservation of their religion, their privileges, and their possessions*N_137.

[[N_137* See Knolles, v. i, p, 479. " Absoluta Turcarum imperia EOndum [253]ensit; eorum tamen sub patrocinio degit, ac veluti po-tentiorum arnica, inandatis eorumdem obsequitur." Montal-kinus, in Turc. imp. statu ap. Elzevir, p, 93.]]

The transactions at Buda excited the fearful apprehensions of Ferdinand for the safety of that division of Hungary which acknowledged his sovereignty, and even of his hereditary dominions. He endeavoured to conciliate the favour of Soliman, and to arrest the further progress of his arms, by sending a splendid embassy to the Turkish camp, and renewing his fruitless solicitations for the grant of the kingdom on the humiliating conditions of homage and tribute. He was even ultimately compelled by the perilous cxvii situation of his affairs, to consent to pay a yearly tribute of thirty thousand ducats, in order to obtain a truce of five years, and to preserve his footing in Hungary*N_138.

[[N_138* See Knolles, v. i, p. 481, 482. Robertson, v. iii,p. 220. Coxe, v. i, p. 562.]]

The possession of this kingdom continued to be the object of desire and anxiety both to the German and Turkish monarchs. While Soliman, relying on the observance of the truce, was carrying on war in Persia, Ferdinand obtained from Isabella, by force and by artifice, the cession of Transilvania, which he afterwards lost through the hatred occasioned by the infamous and impolitic assassination of the vicerroy, Cardinal Martinuzzi, who had obtained it for him from the queen, and had defended it against the Turks†N_139. The Turks, on the other hand, captured and fortified Temeswar, Quinque Ecclesiae, Alba, and Gran‡N_140. On the death of Ferdinand; {A. D. 1563} cxviii and the accession of Maximilian to the imperial dignity, Hungary became again the theatre of war. Soliman was now advanced in years; he nevertheless prepared an expedition to complete the conquest of the country, but he died during the siege of Szigeth, which was however taken under his auspices, before his death was proclaimed, or known to the army*N_141.

[[N_139† See Knolles, v. i, p. 551. Mignot, t. ii, p: 32. Robertson, v. iv, p. 47–49, 128. Coxe, v. i, p. 563–565.]]

[[N_140‡ See Knolles, v. i, p. 501, 511. Cantemir, p. 206. " It is difficult to distinguish the different districts occupied by the Christians and Turks; but it is probable, that the House of Austria possessed the north, as far as Neuhausel, and the course of the Danube down to Comorn, with a portion of the frontier bordering on Croatia, as far as Szigeth. The Turks, the whole course of the Danube from Belgrade to Gran, and the country from the Raab to the Theis. The House of Zapoli, the part beyond the Theis, and Transilvania." Coxe, v. i, p. 563, note.]]

[[N_141* See Knolles,v. i, p. 554, 555, 557. Cantemir, p. 215.]]

The conquest of the kingdom of Hungary, though the most important event in the history of Soliman, did not exclusively occupy the attention of that ambitious and high-minded monarch. He himself conducted his army into Persia, prosecuted the war through several destructive and disastrous campaigns, obtained by his perseverance and by his victories an augmentation of territory beyond the Araxes and the Tigris, and forced the princes of Georgia, who were tributaries of the Persian monarchy, to surrender their strongest castles and to acknowledge the sovereignty of the porte†N_142.

[[N_142† See Knolles, v. i, p. 435–439, 508. Cantemir, p. 196–199, 207 – 211. Mignot, t. i, p. 510 – 516; t. ii, p. 31.

Bagdad was surrendered to the sultan in 1534, after two cam-paigns, in which the Turks are said to have lost 200,000 men on account of the peculiar hardships of Persian warfare; the insalubrity of the climate, and the scarcity of water, provisions, and forage. Van was besieged and taken in 1548, and Erivan, the seat of the Persian king, was sacked and destroyed in 1553.]]


The victorious progress of the Ottoman sultans in Egypt and Persia, produced an unexpected collision of interests with the states of the European continent bordering upon the Atlantic ocean. The Portugueze, following up the discoveries of Vasco di Gama by schemes of territorial aggrandizement and commercial monopoly, had projected the establishment of a mighty empire over the vast extent of Hindostan, had prohibited the navigation of foreign vessels in the Indian ocean, and seized upon the island of Ormus in the Persian gulf and Aden on the Red sea. The greater facilities which the passage by the cape of Good Hope afforded to the western countries of Europe, had diverted the trade of India into the port of Lisbon, and had deprived Egypt of an important branch of revenue, arising from the duties on the productions of India, which were formerly imported by the Arabian gulf, cxx and, after being carried over land From Suez to Cairo and thence by the Nile to Alexandria, were dispersed throughout the markets of Europe by the Venetian merchants. The Mameluke government felt the injury, and determined to resent it. It was assisted in fitting out a fleet at Suez by the industry and ingenuity of the Venetians, who foresaw, in the success of the Portu-gueze, the ruin of their commerce and the downfal of their power. Albuquerque, the vice-roy of the king of Portugal, counteracted their projects by taking possession of the island of Socotora near the straits of Babelmandel, and appointing a Portugueze squadron to cruize off the entrance of the gulf and intercept the expeditions from Egypt. Impelled by a mistaken patriotism, he conceived the monstrous idea of engaging the emperor of Ethiopia to turn the course of the river Nile, and to open for it a new passage into the Red sea:–a scheme which, if it had been practicable, would have reduced the fertile and populous kingdom of Egypt to a barren solitude*N_143. The same cxxi policy induced the successors of Albuquerque to assist the Persians in their wars against the Ottomans, by furnishing them with arms and ammunition, and instructing them in the use of artillery and musketry. Soliman, on the other hand, by an exertion of singular industry, equipped a strong fleet at Suez, which was built from timber cut in the mountains of Caramania, and carried on the backs of camels across the desert, after being transported to Egypt and floated up the Nile. The Ottoman admiral appears to have co-operated with the king of Cambay in the siege of Diu, on the coast of Guzerat, but was repulsed by Juan de Castro, and constrained to cover the ill success of his expedition by treacherously seizing upon Aden and other cities on the Arabian gulf, and thus subjecting a great part of Yemen to the dominion of the sultan*N_144.

[[N_143* See Job! Ludolfi historia jEthiopica, 1. i, c. 8. fol. Franco-furti ad Mcenum 1681. Alf. d'Albuquerque in comment, ejued. part. 4, c. 7, ailegante Tellezio p. 20. Raynal, histoire philoso-phique et politique des etablissemens et du commerce des Ea-ropeens dans les deux Indes, t. i, 1. i. 8vo. Geneve 1783.]]

[[N_144* See Lazarus Soranzus, de milit. cop. Turc. in Turc. imp. statuap. Elzevir, p. 257. 12mo. Lugduni Batav, 1634. Knolles, v. i, p. 451. Cantemir, p. 201. Mignot, t. ii, p. 4. Raynal, t. i, p. 176–178.]]

By his personal prowess and his incessant activity Soliman had extended his empire in cxxii Hungary and Persia, but he owed the submission of Moldavia solely to the terror of his name*N_145, and the homage of Algiers to the renown of his power†N_146.

[[N_145* See Cantemir, p. 186–189. Mignot, t. i, p,501.]]

[[N_146† See Cantemir, p. 196. Robertson, v. iii, p. 94.]]

Two brothers, Arouclg and Khairuddinn, natives of the island of Mitylene, who, under the name of Barbarossa, had become formidable to the Christian states by their suc-cessful and systematic piracies in the Mediterranean sea, j^ere invited by Selim ebn Toumi to assist him in expelling the Spanish garrison from a small fort, built by the governors of Oran on a rocky island, which commanded the entrance of the harbour of Algiers, and overawed the city.‡N_147. The pirates were prompted by this avowal of his weakness to murder the king, and to usurp the dominion of Algiers. Khairuddinn succeeded to the throne on the death of his brother Aroudg, and in order to confirm his cxxiii dominion and to accomplish his project of extending it over the whole coast of Barbary, he offered to hold his kingdom as a fief of the Ottoman porte. Soliman accepted his homage, and sent to his assistance a powerful naval and military force in token of his favour and protection*N_148. Khairuddinn was afterwards induced to resign the government of Algiers, on being raised to the dignity of capudan pasha and the chief command of the Ottoman fleet, but he generously stipulated, that the vice-royalty of Algiers should be conferred on his comrade Hassan, to whose co-roperation he had been greatly indebted for his success, and who afterwards evinced his worthiness by his repulse of the emperor Charles the Fifth*N_149. The courage, conduct, and experience of Barbarossa in maritime affairs, were deemed necessary at this important crisis in order to oppose the united navies of Spain and Italy which were commanded by the Genoese ad-miral Doria, and to retaliate on the defenceless shores of Italy the ravages committed on the coasts of Greece and Epirus. Barbarossa supported the reputation of the Ottoman arms, and of his own valour and skill, in several weJl-contested naval combats. He retook Castelnuovo in Dalmatia, notwithstanding the desperate defence of the garrison, which consisted of four thousand Spanish veterans, who all perished with their captain Sarmiento. He reduced Napoli di Romania and Malvasia, cities in the Peloponnesus, and by the conquest of these important places, and of several islands in the Archipelago, so terrified the Venetians, who had been induced to join the maritime confederacy against the Turks, that they purchased a separate peace by the resignation of cxxv Syra, Patmos, Paros, Egina, Naxos and other islands*N_150. He suddenly invaded Tunis under pretence of re-establishing Raschid who had been expelled by his younger brother Muley Hassan, and partly by force of arms, and partly by treachery, subjected the whole kingdom to the dominion of the porte. The king, who was abhorred by his subjects on account of his cruelty and his vexations, fled on the approach of the Turks without attempting resistance. The depredations of Barbarossa against the Christian states were now increased in proportion to his greater means of annoying them. The emperor, apprehensive that he would extend his inroads into Spain, Italy, and Sicily, and urged by the complaints of his subjects, and the solicitations of the dispossessed prince, who offered to become his vassal as the price of his restoration, formed a powerful coalition of the Christian states, and placed himself at the head of the expedition for the purposes of restoring security to Christendom, and of re-establishing the legitimate sovereign on the throne of Tunis. The complete success of an enterprise to which he was excited by such generous motives, raised the fame of Charles to an unrivalled superiority among the kings of Europe. His victory was, however, stained by the atrocities of his soldiers. Muley Hassan was re-instated in his capital streaming with the blood of his hereditary subjects. But his government was detested, and his person despised, from his baseness in submitting to become the vassal of a stranger and an infidel. However necessary such conditions might be for the tranquillity of Christendom, they were so humiliating to the regal dignity, so insulting to the prejudices, and so injurious to the interests, of the people, that, during the reign of Muley Hassan, they fomented insurrections among his subjects, encouraged the usurpations of his children, and finally occasioned the extinction of his family, and the reduction of his kingdom to a province of the Ottoman empire*N_151.

[[N_147‡ In the year 1509 the cities of Bujeya, Oran, Tripoli, and other maritime places on the Barbary coast were conquered for Ferdinand, king of Spain, by his admiral Don Pedro Navarro. –Gran was taken from the Spaniards by the Algerines in 1708. –Tripoli, together with the island of Malta, was given by Charles the Fifth to the knights of St. John, who held it till the year 1551 when it was taken by the Turks.]]

[[N_148* See Regni Algerii descript. compend. e var. author, collect, in Turc. imp. statu npud Elzevir, p. 310. Diego de Haedo, topographia e historia d'Argel. p. 47–61. fol. Vallad. 1612. Lays del Marmol, description general de Africa, t. ii, p. 2l5, 216. fol. Granada 1573. Knolles, v. i, p, 428, 429. Mignot, t. i, p. 518, 519. Robertson, v. iii, p. 91–94. Laugier de Tassy (histoire du royaume d'Alger, preface, and p. 11–28. 8vo. Amsterdam 1725) has composed, or, as he asserts, has translated from the Arabic of Cidi Ahmed ben Haraam, the history of the amours of Aroudg and the beautiful Zaphlra, widow of the unfortunate Selim, for the love of whom he perpetrated the murder of hey husband. Knolles also relates (v. i, p. 432) an idle etory of Khairuddinn storming the city of Fondi in the kingdom of Naples in order to obtain possession of Julia Gonzaga, the paragon of Italy. Ambition and avarice, and not lore, were, however, the passions which agitated the souls, and influenced the conduct, of these aspiring corsairs.]]


[[N_149* See Knolles, v. i, p. 488. Cantemir, p. 196. Robert-ion, v. iii, p. 91.]]

[[N_150* See Knolles, v. I, p. 422–426, 429, 431, 453, 454, 455, 465. Cantemir, p. 196. Mignot, t. ii, p. 2. Robert-son, v. iii, p. .94.]]


[[N_151* See Regni Tunetani compend. descript. ex I. B. Gram-maye, in Turc. imp. statu ap. Elzevir, p. 341–343. Knolles, r. i, p. 432–435, 440–451, 503–506. Mignot, t. i, p. 521–532. Robertson, v. iii, p. 94–107.

"Alger, Tunis, Tripoli, re9urent la merae legislation. C'est une espece d'aristocratie. Le chef qui, sous le nom de dey, conduit la republique, est choisi par la milice, qui est toujours Turque, et qui compose seule la noblesse du pays." Raynal, t. vi, p. 16.]]


Soliman the Magnificent held a distinguished rank among the contemporary princes of the sixteenth century. He established the discipline of his armies not less by his example than by his authority, and headed them in their victorious career from the extremities of Persia to the centre of Germany. His navy was equal in number and in strength to those of the Spaniards and Italians, and his admiral Barbarossa acquired no less reputation than his opponent, the celebrated Dqria. His name was great and his power was acknowledged over an extensive territory and among tributary nations. His political and military administration, while it excited the envy of his rivals, commanded the approbation of the most intelligent observers; and the Ottoman constitution appears to have attained, during his reign, the greatest perfection of which it is susceptible. Learning and the arts were encouraged by his patron-ao-e and munificence, and his enlightened policy opened or invited a commerce with the remotest nations of the west.


The, magnitude and the splendour of the military achievements of Soliman are surpassed in the judgment of his people by the wisdom of his legislation. He has acquired the surname of Canuni, or instituter of rules, not, as has been erroneously asserted, on account of his having promulgated a civil and criminal code*N_152, which, in Mahometan communities, is unalterably fixed by the founder of their religion, but on account of the order and police which he established in his empire. He caused a compilation to be made of all the maxims and regulations of his predecessors on subjects of political and military economy. He strictly denned the duties, the powers, and the privileges, of all governors, commanders, and public functionaries. He regulated the levies, the services, the equipment, and the pay, of the military and maritime forces of the empire. He prescribed the mode of collecting, and of applying, the public revenue. He assigned to every officer his rank at court, in the city, and in the army; and the observance of his regulations was imposed on his successors by the sanction of his authority. The work which his ancestors had begun, cxxix and which his care had completed, seemed to himself and his contemporaries the compendium of human wisdom. Soliman contemplated it with the fondness of a parent and conceiving it not to be susceptible of further improvement, he endeavoured to secure its perpetual duration*N_153. But human institutions require, from their very nature, a progressive amelioration.–The Western na tions of Europe, from an intimate connexion with whom the Turks were removed by the mutual accusation of infidelity and barbarism, had hitherto indeed acquired no actual superiority over the Turks†N_154; but they were placed at the opening of an unbounded career. New incentives were offered to the strongest passions of our nature, cupidity and ambition, a wide field was exposed to curious investigation and philosophical research, by the successful navigation of Vasco di Gama and Columbus, the discovery of a new heaven and a new world, by the invention of the art of. printing and of optical glasses, by improvements in mechanism and in chemistry, and chiefly by the speculations of that illustrious philosopher who, rejecting the petulance of dogmatism and the vanity of hypothesis, pointed out experiment and observation as the basis of truth and the way to useful discovery. Polite literature and the elegant arts of painting and music were cultivated and encouraged, particularly in Italy. Europeans were already beginning to assert the superiority of intellect, and were occupied in every inquiry which could diminish the sway of prejudice and enlarge the sphere of the understanding. But the institutions of Soliman placed a barrier between his subjects and future improvement. He beheld with complacency and exultation the eternal fabric which his hands had reared; and the curse denounced against pride has reduced the nation, which participated in his sentiments, to a state of inferiority to the present level of civilized men. From the reign of Soliman, and the promulgation of his imperial constitutions, we are to date the decline of the Ottoman power. The empire continued, however, to support itself by physical strength and the renown which it had previously acquired. Even at the present day its degeneracy is not obviously perceptible by a mere comparison of its actual state with the more flourishing periods of its history. Its inferiority in the scale of nations can be detected only by comparisons which the confined views of the Turks render cxxxiii them incapable of making. Thus they continued to whet the sword and to bend the bow, when their adversaries shot death from a greater distance, and frustrated the efforts of their valour or their skill by combinations which they had neither science to unravel, nor power to resist.

[[N_152* See Mignot, t. i, p. 470.]]

[[N_153* See Cantemir, p. 174, note 1. Toderini, t. i, p. 34. The canon nameh, or code of Sultan Soliman, as far as relates to the finances and military orders, is translated by Count Marsigli in his military state of the Ottoman empire.]]

[[N_154† This assertion is warranted by the concurring testimony of writers of the sixteenth century. Busbequius, who had studied the Ottoman institutions with peculiar diligence, wrote a treatise (Exclamatio: sive de re militari contra Turcam instituenda con-silium) for the express purpose of showing how far they surpassed those of the Christian kingdoms. The art of war, the order of battle, together with offensive and defensive weapons, were very different then from what they are in our days. The use of artillery, though it frequently determined the result of a battle, was generally stigmatized as " cruel, cowardly, and murderous." (Knolles, v. i, p. 352). Light skirmishes, either between individuals or companies, continued to be the favourite mode of warfare. " Both armies would many times forbear for cxxx hours to shoot any :shot on purpose to see those gallants, with true prowess, prove their yalour and manhood one Upon another tvitk their spears and swords only." In these combats the Turks displayed such superior address that the Christian general Found it niccssary to prohibit them on pain of death, to the disheartening of his own men and the encouragement of the Turks, *' who would sometimes brave- the Christians upon the top of their own trenches." (p. 477.) The Turks, however, were not yet inferior to their enemies even in the use and management of ordnance. During the siege of Nice in Provence, when they cO-operated with the French in consequence of a treaty made be-tween Soliman and Francis, Barbarossa left it to the choice of the allies either to attack the castle, or to keep the field for the purpose of defending the besiegers and repulsing the sallies of the besieged, " The French standing in doubt of which to make choice, the proud old Turk scorning their slow resolution, and them also as men unfit for the ready accomplishment of any martial exploit, caused seven pieces of battery, whereof two were of wonderful greatness, to be placed in a trice in a place most convenient, and the same quickly intrenched and fortified, to the great admiration of the French, with which pieces he had quickly beaten down the battlements of the walls and centinel houses, so that no manswas able to shew himself upon the walls."—" Vas-tius (general of the imperial army) and the Duke of Savoy coming to Nice, commended the captain of the castle, and wondering at the cunning manner of the Turks fortifications, preferred, them in that point before the Christians." (p. 502, 503.) Guic-ciardini (histor. 1. xv, p. 266) says, that the Italians learned the art of fortifying towns from the Turks. Knolles also (v. i, p. 482, 4*99) acknowledges their superiority to the Germans in this respect, as well as in the disposition, the order, and the discipline of their camps. Marsigli (t. ii, p. 56) informs us, that we are indebted to the Turks for the improvement in the cxxxi shape and the materials of tents. Doria, the Genoese admiral, confessed, that a more firm or orderly fleet (than Barbarossa's) could not have been brought out by any expert captain." (Knolles, v. i, p. 464). " Quae cogitantem" (says Busbe-quius, epist. Hi, p. 115, with a despondency which the long contemplation of the excellences of the Ottoman system naturally induced in the mind of a German) " horror corripit, quid postremo futurum sit, cum hanc nostram rationem cum eorum compare: superare alteros, alteros interire necesse est; ambo certe incolumes non possumus. Ab ilia parte slant immensse imperil opes, vires integrx, armorum usus et exercitatio, miles veteranus, victoriarum assiduitas, laborum patientia, concordia, ordo, disciplina, frugalitas, vigilantia. Ab hac nostra, publica egestas, privatus luxus, diminutse vires, fracti animi, laboris et annorum insolentia, contumaces milites, duces avari, discipline contemptus, licentia, temeritas, ebrietas, crapula; quoque est pessimum, illis vincere, nobis vinci lolitura. Et dubhamut etiam quid eventurum sit?"]]


Selim the Second, on his accession to the throne, received an ambassador from the em-peror Maximilian with overtures of peace. He himself was desirous of a suspension of hostilities, that he might restore tranquillity to the provinces, and security to the frontiers, of his empire. Maximilian, as a preliminary to the negociation, paid the arrears of his tribute for Hungary; and obtained from the sultan an armistice for eight years on the condition, that both parties should retain the territories of which they were in actual possession. The prince of Transilvania was also invited or compelled to accept peace on similar terms*N_155.

[[N_155* See Knolles, v. i, p. 560, 562, 565. Cantemir, p. 219, 220. Mignot, t. ii, p. 161. Coxe, v. i, p. 638. " In Un-garia Caesar, ut pace frueretur, Turcge ejus regni nomine, si recte memini, solvebat 45000 talerorum." Lazarus Soranzus, de milit. cop. Turc. in Turc. imp. statu ap. Elzevir, p. 264.]]


The Ottoman sultan was impatient of re-pose. He meditated an expedition against Persia in order to restrain and chastise the incursions of that Power; but that he might diminish lhe difficulties of the march, and facilitate the conveyance of his military stores, he Projected to form a canal between the Volga and the Don, which would have enabled him to Penetrate into the Caspian sea with his fleets and armies. The Turkish soldiery were already discouraged by the length of tne labour and the impediments to its accomplishment, when the emissaries of the Tartar khan caused the scheme to be abandoned by artfully suggesting, that the higher latitudes are interdicted to Mussulmans, because of the shtortness of the nights in summer prevents their observance of the pre-cepts of their religion*N_156. In the meantime the king of Perisa sent his ambassador to the porte' and averted the indignation of the sultan by conciliatory presents and pacific proposals†N_157.

[[N_156* See Cantemir, p. 220. Relatio incerti in Turc. imp. statu ap. Elzevir. p.143. Tab. Gen. t. ii, p. 186.]]

[[N_157† See Kolles, v. i, p. 567.]]

Selim had scarcely confirmed the league which Solimart ^is father had made with the cxxxv Venetians, when he was urged by the desire of conquest to complain of the infraction of the treaty, by the protection which they afforded to the pirates of Istria, and by the admission of the gallies of Malta into the harbours of Cyprus.

{A.D. 119.}

Richard the First, king of England, obtained the kingdom of Cyprus by conquest, and exchanged it with Guy, the titular king of Jerusalem. In the year 1423 it became tributary to the sultans of Egypt, and was ceded to the republic of Venice by the widow of the last king of the house of Lusignan. The Venetians continued to pay the stipulated tribute both to the Mamelukes and the Ottomans. Selim, however, considered the acquisition of this fertile and commodious island to be necessary for the convenience of his subjects, the safety of his empire, and the honour of his crown. He therefore arrogantly claimed it from the Venetians as a dismemberment of his kingdom of Egypt, and meeting with a spirited refusal, pre^ pared an expedition to wrest it from them by force*N_158.

[[N_158* See Knollcs, v. i, p. 570—572. Mignot, t. ii, p. 163, 166. Relatio incerti, in Turc. imp. statu ap. Elzevir, p. 146.]]


In all the Greek islands which were possessed by the Franks, the arrival of a Turkish army was welcomed by a host of insurgents, desirous of a change of masters and anxious to ensure the success of the invaders. The villages and open country were inhabited by peasants of the Greek communion, the descendants of the ancient inhabitants, who, though in some instances the most numerous part of the population, continued unconnected by interest or affection, t or by any communion of principles or opinions, with the existing government. In the domestic administration of the affairs of Venice, the general interests of the people were in some degree necessarily combined with the preservation of the state and the privileges of the nobility, while a system exclusively and oppressively aristocratical was adopted in the colonies. The military, ecclesiastical, and administrative, functions were exercised solely by Venetian citizens, who absorbed the riches of the country, and discouraged the emulation, and even the industry, of the natives by their tyranny and rapacity*N_159.

[[N_159* See Mignot, t. ii, p. 170.]]

It is a policy which seems congenial to all the ecclesiastical establishments of the Chris- cxxxvii tian religion, to compel the professors of heterodox opinions to retire to humble life and rustic occupations. When the government of the Roman empire became Christian, the name of pagan, or peasant, was soon peculiarly appropriated to that class of the inhabitants who refused to renounce the religion of their ancestors. The villages have been successively peopled by adherents to the Greek or Roman communion, in proportion as either church has attained the superiority, or has yielded to foreign force and domestic schism. The predominance of the Catholic religion, which was that of the Venetian state, injured and offended the partisans of a rival and persecuted church, who were not only excluded from a participation in the honours and the emoluments of public office, but were taunted with the reproach of ingratitude and disloyalty, because they felt the degradation of their sect, and did not acknowledge the justice and clemency of that toleration which abstained only from active persecution. The sense of inferiority was embittered by the haughty deportment of the professors of the favoured religion; by the studied pomp of their ceremonials, the wealth of their establishment, and the luxury cxxxviii of their clergy; by the spirit of their public discourses, and the insolence of their private exhortations. The Greeks became indifferent to the prosperity of the commonwealth. Resentment for. undeserved humiliation made them even regard as a deliverer, the enemy who, without aggravating their temporal subjection, would confer spiritual freedom; and from the delusions of this unreasoning sentiment, they resigned into the hands of a tyrant the political independence of their country*N_160.

[[N_160* See Voyages du Sieur A. de la Motraye, t. i, p. 234, 462 (fol. A la Have 1727), for the aversion of the Greeks to the Venetian government.

The religious disputes of the Greeks and Latins continued in their full vigour even while the Turks were besieging the city of Constantinople. The great duke, a partisan of the monk Gen-nadius who was a determined enemy to the union of the churches, publicly declared, that he would rather see the turban than the tiara in the church of Sanaa Sophia.—" He was certainly in the right," say the compilers of the Universal History (v. xii, p-143, note). But can the politician approve, can the patriot or the Christian even comprehend the grounds, of this bigotteddeci-sion? " Esto perpetua," were the last words of Father Paul, who poured out his soul in prayers for his country, and who taught his countrymen, that though the duties of religion and morality are of paramount obligation, yet the preservation of a church establishment is subordinate to the prosperity of the commonwealth. " Siamo Veneziani, poi Christiani."]]


The invading army of the Turks was abundantly supplied with provisions, while the cities occupied by Venetian garrisons, were almost destitute of common necessaries*N_161:—a convincing proof of the existence of a system of government bad in itself, and hateful to the majority of the nation. The means of defending the island were consequently inadequate to resist the mighty preparations of the Ottomans. They became masters of Cyprus, together with the capital and fortified cities, and gratified the religious animosities of the Greeks by an indiscriminate massacre of the Latin nobility and clergy†N_162.

The Venetian navy being singly unequal to a contest with that of the Turks, had afforded no effectual relief to the besieged is*, landers, but idly attempted a diversion in their favour by ravaging the Turkish cities on the coast of Dalmatia‡N_163. After the reduction of Cyprus, the Ottoman fleet scoured the gulf of Venice, blocked up the ports, and threw the city itself into the utmost con-sternation§N_164. In the mean time, a league cxl for common defence against the Turks was concluded, chiefly by the address and ex-hortations of Pius the Fifth, between the Venetian republic, the king of Spain, and the pope*N_165: but the jealousy of Philip and the diffidence of the Venetians retarded the, preparations, and weakened the exertions, of the confederates. The union of their navies was effected with difficulty, and the disputes and dissensions of the commanders consumed an important season, which ought to have been employed in deliberations for the accomplishment of a common object†N_166. The allies were unwilling to hazard an engagement where the consequences of a defeat would have been irreparably injurious. The Ottomans, on the other hand, though their fleet was stronger than the united squadrons of the Christians, were induced by the appearance of so formidable an armament to change their plan of operations, and to act on the defensive. The meeting of the hostile fleets, and the battle of Lepanto which ensued, were occasioned rather by inaccurate cxli observation, and an erroneous estimate of each other's strength, than by a design on either part to contend with the whole force of the enemy*N_167. The allies gained a decisive victory. They captured, burned, or sunk two hundred vessels†N_168; and the wreck of the Turkish fleet, which fled to the ports of the Morea, spread dejection and alarm through-t out the capital and the empire‡N_169.

[[N_161* See Mignot, t. ii, p. 170, 172.]]

[[N_162† See Knolles, v. i, p. 573—587. Mignot, t. ii, p. 173, 190.]]

[[N_163‡ See Knolles, v. i, p. 574, 578. ' Mignot, t. ii, p. 182.]]

[[N_164§ See Knolles, v. i, p. 589. Dissertatio ex Honorio, in Turc. imp. statu ap. Elzevir, p, 152.]]

[[N_165* See Knolles, v. i, p. 579, 581, 582. Mignot, t. ii, p. 178 '—182. Voltaire, essai surles moeurs, chap. clx.]]

[[N_166† Dissertatio ex Honorio, in Turc. imp. statu ap. Elzevir, p. 152. Knolles* T. i, p. 591, 592.]]

[[N_167* " Nemo etiam ignorat, exploratorum vitio factum fuisse, ut navale certamen committeretur: uteiusque enim partis exploratores retulerant, minorem esse navigiorum numerum quam utrinque habebatur." (Dissertatio ex Honorio, in Turc. imp. statu ap. Elzevir, p. 153.)]]

[[N_168† See Knolles, v. i, p. 594—599. Cantemir, p. 223, 224. " This calamity," he says, " seemed to be foretold by the fall of the wooden roof of the temple at Mecca, according to the interpretation of the wise men, which, that it might be a more firm emblem of the empire, Selim ordered it to be rebuilt with brick."]]

[[N_169‡ " Hisce temporibus superba opinio ilia, quam Turcae animis suis impresserant, se a Christianis oppugnari ac vinci non posse, ablata et abolita est." Relatio incerti apud Honorium, in Turc. imp. statu ap. Elzevir, p. 125.]]

The states of Christendom indulged in universal festivity on the occasion of this first signal defeat which their common enemy had sustained§N_170. But the allies do not appear distinctly to have perceived the efficient cxlii cause of their success, nor to have derived from it such confidence in their superiority as the greatness of the event ought naturally to have produced. In seamanship they were superior to their adversaries*N_171; but this advantage was less important than it would be in the present state of maritime warfare. A sea-fight in those days was more a trial of strength than of skill. A land army was always embarked on boiJrd the fleet, and the service of mariners was accounted of little \ralue in comparison with that of soldiers†N_172. Vessels of war were managed chiefly by oars, and gallies were preferred to larger ships, on account of their lightness and activity‡N_173. A beak, of metal was fixed on their prows for the purpo.se of stemming the enemy's ships, against the sides of which they were forcibly impelled, so as to disable or overset them. Grappling and boarding immediately succeeded the attempt to sink or destroy. The soldiers fought hand to hand cxliii with sword and pike, or annoyed the enemy from a short distance with muskets, bows, and slings. The use of fire-arms had not entirely superseded that of ancient weapons, nor induced such improvements in the construction of ships and the ordering of a fleet, as to constitute any essential variation from the practice of antiquity. The squadrons were arranged in order of battle in the form of a half-moon, or in lines parallel to each other. It was considered an essential advantage to have the sun in the rear, and to get to windward of the enemy. Before the engagement began, the admiral of each division went in his barge from ship to ship, and exhorted the captains and the soldiery to exert themselves with valour. The commander in chief hoisted the signal for action, and directed the continuance of the battle, as well as the pursuit or the retreat, by different movements of his standard, or by martini music. It was, however, left in a great degree to the discretion or the choice of each captain, to single out from the enemy's line the ship with which he judged himself best able to contend*N_174.

[[N_170§ Purchas (pilgrimage, p. S23) says, that " our gracious sovereign King James has written a poem ef this battle."]]

[[N_171* " Non ea quse nobis maritimarum reruns est illis facilitas." Montalban. in Turc. imp. statu ap. Elzevir, p. 23.]]

[[N_172† See Knolles, v. i, p. 589, 593. " Militia fere omnis in-compta et rudis, nisi qua; consalto destinatum ad facinus emit-titur; ejusmodi namque occasionibus terrestres jubentur militiz." Montalban. in Turc. imp. statu ap. Elzevir, p. 23.]]

[[N_173‡ See Montesquieu, grandeur et decadence des Remains, chap. iv.]]

[[N_174* See Knolles, v. i, p. 594*, 595. Mignot, t. ii, p. 196, 197. Dissertatio ex Honorio, in TUEC. imp. statu ap. Elzevir. p. 152, 153.]]


The Turkish force in the battle of Le-panto consisted wholly of gallies, while the Christians had cautiously strengthened their armament by six galeasses of larger dimension and more solid construction, the use of which in war was hitherto unknown to their enemies. These vessels were furnished with heavy ordnance and fortified like castles, but as they were too unwieldy to perform the necessary evolutions, they were anchored in the front of each division of the fleet, at the distance of about a mile, and so disposed as to cover the whole line of their own squadrons. They kept up a heavy and destructive fire on the Turkish fleet, as it passed them in order of battle, and by throwing it into confusion be* fore the commencement of the general engagement, contributed essentially to the victory*N_175.

[[N_175* See Knolles, v. i, p. 591, 595. Mignot, t. ii, p. 194, 196.]]

From such imperfect essays of the advantages of artillery, and its adaptation to the purposes of naval warfare, a gradual and total change has been effected in the maritime system of Europe. The strength and the size of vessels have been increased, in order that they may support the weight, and resist the shock, of cannon. A ship of cxlv war is become an immense and complicated machine which mere strength is no longer capable of managing. Naval superiority is connected with ,the general improvement of knowledge: it can be attained only by the diligent study of the principles on which it depends, by an intimate acquaintance with the rules, and the habitual practice, of the art.

A whole reign is at present insufficient for the formation of a navy capable of keeping the sea before a power already in possession of its empire; but though the Turfcs had losr almost all their experienced officers in this disastrous battle, yet, in the interval of a single winter, they rebuilt and equipped their fleet, which immediately sailed from Constantinople in the full confidence of victory. The discouragement occasioned by defeat is generally more injurious to a state than the loss which is really sustained. The Turks felt and acknowledged the whole extent of the injury and the disgrace; but the vast resources of the empire, and the manly character of its inhabitants, rendered them eager to restore the lustre of the Ottoman arms, and roused the sultan from Ms momentary despondency. He exerted himself cxlvi with energy in the prosecution of the war, of which the succeeding events and the final issue made it appear as if the Ottomans themselves had gained the battle of Lepanto*N_176.

[[N_176* See Cantemir, p. 224, 225. Dissertatio ex Honorio, in Turc. imp. statu ap. Elzevir, p. 123. Voltaire, essai sur les moeurs, chap. clx.]]

The Venetians were anxious to avail themselves of their victory for the recovery of the island of Cyprus, but Philip withdrew his squadrons and turned his attention from the wars in the east to an expedition against the kingdom of Tunis. He sent only a small part of his contingent for the ensuing campaign, and instructed his captains to thwart, instead of assisting, the designs of the Venetians. His whole conduct appeared to be dictated rather by the apprehension of increasing the power of the republic than by the wish of diminishing the strength ef the Ottomans†N_177. The senate determined to abandon the prosecution of hostilities which the cxlvii doubtful faith and feeble co-operation of the allies rendered unavailing and disgraceful. They directed their ambassador at the porte to negociate a separate treaty even during the existence of the league, and they eagerly accepted peace from the sultan, though purchased on the humiliating conditions of confirming his conquests and contributing to the expenses of the war*N_178.

[[N_177† See Knolles, v. i, p. 601—610. Mignot, t. ii, p. 203— 205* Dissertatio ex Honorio, in Turc. imp. statu ap. Elzevir. p. 154, 155; also two MSS. in the Harleian collection, numbered 1869 and 1870, entitled Giustificatione de' Venetian! per la pace fatta col Turco, and, Risposta alle giustificationi dell* menisSiraa eignoria di Venetia per la pace fatta col Turco.]]

[[N_178* See Knolles, T. i, p. 611—613. Mignot,t. ii, p. 205—207. ]]

Selim the Second did not assume in person the command of his armies, but his subjects did not ascribe his inactivity in this respect to neglect of duty or deficiency of valour. He is indeed censured by historians for the intemperate indulgence of his appetites. His councils were, however, actuated by the same spirit, and his measures were executed with the same vigour,' as those of his father. He recovered Tunis from the Spaniards, preserved the integrity of his Hungarian frontiers, and quelled the insurrection of the Moldavians†N_179. He was, notwithstanding, addicted to the most ridiculous superstition. He was alarmed for the safety of the empire and the security of his reign by uncommon cxlviii appearances in the sky, or by excessive rains; and it is worthy of remark, that, contrary to the usage of preceding astro-loo-ers, who interpreted every phenomenon to the honour and the increase of the Ottoman power, the wise men of Selim's reign, either * from a contemplation of his personal character or of contemporary events, discovered malignancy in every aspect of the heavenly bodies, and in every occurrence of ordinary life. The monarch himself was intimidated into a melancholy which caused his death by a fire which broke out in the kitchens and offices of the seraglio and consumed some valuable porcelain*N_180.

[[N_179† See Knolles, v. i, p. 613—620. Canterair, p. 226, 227. Mignot, t. ii, p. 210—221.]]

[[N_180* See Tab. Gen. t, i, p. 387-389.]]

Murad the Henry de Valois having abdicated the {Murad the Third. A. D. 1574-1595} throne, of Poland on the death of his brother Charles the Ninth, king of France, the Emperor Maximilian was chosen by a party of the nobility, and was even proclaimed king by the primate. Murad the Third determined, however, to prevent the house of Austria from obtaining an accession of strength , which might endanger the safety of the Ottoman dominions in Europe. He recommended the vaivoda of Transilvania to the choice of the diet, and his interference prevailed upon cxlvix them to revoke the election of Maximilian, and to decree, that the vaivoda should be crowned, on the condition of his marrying the princess Anne, sister of the late king Sigismund. The merits and virtues of Stephen confirmed the allegiance, and gained the affection, of the Polish nation. Maximilian refused to acknowledge his title, but was prevented by death from disturbing his reign, or from establishing his own pretensions*N_181. Murad, in the mean time, entered into a league of amity with the new king of Poland, and being now at peace with Christendom, he directed his whole attention to the affairs of the East†N_182. He resolved upon carrying the war into Persia, though experience had shown it to be an enterprise of , difficult execution, and of doubtful advantage even when attended with victory. That {A. D. 1576.} kingdom, on the death of Shah Tahmasp, was embroiled by the dissensions of the royal family and the hostilities of their respective partisans, was enfeebled by the defections of the provincial governors, and wasted by the inroads of the Usbek Tartars‡N_183, Murad was excited to avail himself of the opportunity afforded by the calamities of Persia, to extend the dominion of the house of Osman, and to restore the pure religion of Mahomet.

[[N_181* See Knolles, v. i, p. 651, 652. Mignot, t. ii, p. 228, 229. Coxe, v. i, p. 643, 644.]]

[[N_182† See Knolles, v. i, p. 656, 657.]]

[[N_183‡ See Knolles, T. i, p. 652—654. Mignot, t. ii, p. 221—233. Modern Universal History, v. v, p. 430, also a M.S. in the- Harleian collection, No. 1872, entitled Relatione dello stato nel quale si ritruova il governo dell' imperio Turchesco quest' anno 1594.


The Ottoman sultans had attempted in their former expeditions to invade Persia through the desert countries which lie beyond the Euphrates and the Tigris, but had uniformly been compelled to abandon their enterprise by the difficulty of procuring sub-sistence, or even water, for their numerous armies, in plains naturally barren, or purposely reduced to sterility on the retreat of the former inhabitants*N_184, Murad relinquished cli the attempt of making conquests, which he could not preserve, in countries which were separated by deserts. Instead of dividing his armies so as to invade Persia by several passages at the same time, he appointed Erzerum to be the general rendezvous, and assembled the whole.of his forces in Armenia in order to penetrate at once into the heart of Georgia and Media*N_185. He collected great store of corn which he sent by sea to Trebi-zond†N_186, and built castles on the coast of Mingrelia in order to favour the expedition, and to open a passage by water into Georgia‡N_187. He secured the borders of his own dominions, as a preliminary to offensive opera- clii tions, and first announced his hostile projects by reconstructing the fortifications of Kars, which' had [been demolished in consequence of the treaty made between Soliman and Tahmasp*N_188. The Turks persisted in completing the works, notwithstanding the attempts of the Persians to interrupt or destroy them. The frequent skirmishes and mutual inroads of the troops which were in garrison on the frontiers, led to an open declaration of war, and the first campaign of the Ottomans was marked by the compulsive or voluntary submission of the most powerful princes , of Georgia, the capture of Tiflis, and the conquest of the province of Shirvan†N_189, which gave them possession of Derbent, and enabled them to effect a junction with the Tartar khan, who had been directed, in expectation of the event, to, proceed with his army to the north of the Caspian Gates *N_190.

[[N_184* Alexander Severus invaded Persia by different roads with three Roman armies, one of which entered the plains of Babylon towards the conflux of the Euphrates and the Tigris, another penetrated into Media through Armenia and a long tract of mountainous country, while the main body marched through Mesopotamia to invade.the centre of the kingdom. (See Gibbon, v. li p. 339.) The event of these several expeditions was similar to those of the Turkish sultans Selim and Soliman. Tke difficulties of each are well described by Montesquieu (Considerations sur les causes de la grandeur des Remains et de leur decadence, chap. XT.) " Prenoit-on le chemm de l'Armenie, vers les sources du Tygre et de 1'Euphrate, on trouvoit un pays montueux et difficile, oò l'on ne pouvoit mener de convois, de façon que l'armee étoit demi ruinee avant d'arriver en Medie. Entroit-on plus bas, vers le midi, par Nisibe, on trouvoit un desert affreux qui sepa-roit les deux empires. Vouloit-on passer plus bas encore, et aller par la Mesopotamia, on traversoit un pays en partie inculte, en partie submerge; et le Tygre et 1'Euphrate, allant du nord au midi, on ne pouvoit penetrer dans le pays, sans quitter ces fleuvet, ni guere quitter ces fleuves sans perir."]]

[[N_185* Murad in advancing with his whole force through the mountains of Armenia (quse ferme sola, seu facilior tincendi via est. Aurel. Viet.) inadvertently executed the project of Julius Czsar and imitated the conduct of Trajan and Galerius. (See Gibbon, v.ii, p. 146.)]]

[[N_186† See Knolles, v. i, p. 658.]]

[[N_187‡ See Knolles, v. i, p. 669. Chardin, voyage en Perse et aux Indes Orientales, par la Mer Noire et par la Colchide, part. ? p. 143, fol. Londres 1686.]]

[[N_188* " Nelli capitoli che furno tra di loro fu detto, che la for, tezza di Charso fosse gittata & terra, et che per otto miglia dali* una et 1'altra parte fosse fatto deserto, a fine che in alcun tempo potesse mancg nascere tra convicini dissensione, cosi mai l'uno contra l'altro mosse l'armi." (Relatione di Persia, l'anno 1580. a M.S. No. 1874, in the Harleian collection.)]]

[[N_189† See Knolles, r. i, p. 659, 660, 662, 663. Canterair, p. 229, 230.]]


[[N_190* See Knolles, v. i, p. 662, 664. " Et hsc quidera hac-tenus de Tartaris dicta sunto; de quibus hoc uflicum adjiciam, quod memoria et eonsideratione dignissimura est, videlicet Tar. taros Europseos Romanorum tempore in Persiam per Demir Capi (id est, per porta* ferreas, per q\ias Alexander Magnus ad Georgianos transiit) copias traducere solitos esse, quorum estigiis nostra memoria Osman Bassa institit et eadem via in Persiam tetendit." (Lazarus Soranzus, de milit. cop. Turc. in Turc. imp. statu ap. Elzevir, p. 252.) The Mahometan religion inculcates a particular respect for the Caspian Gates, which is founded on the belief, that the famous wall Scdd-Islendsr was built by the angel Gabriel. They are called by the Orientals Derbend-Cal'assy, Demir Capou, or Bal'ul Eb-wab. (See Tab. Gen. t. iii, p. 311.) The importance of this passage to the strength and security of the Asiatic provinces is described by Tacitus, annal. vi, 34, by Strabo, geograph. 1. xi, p. 764, and by Pro-copius, bell. Per*. 1. i, and was acknowledged by Sultan Murad, to whose presence Osman Pasha related the success of his military expeditions, and received such marks of favour as had nerer before been conferred on a subject. (See Tab, Gen.t. i, p. 318 —322.)]]

The greater resources of the Ottoman empire in money, in artillery, and in regular forces, enabled the sultan to carry on an offensive war against the Persians with ad~ vantage. The Persian cavalry was held in deserved estimation, but the Persians, on account of their remoteness from Europe, remained almost wholly uninstructed in the use of fire-arms and the improvements of modern cliv warfare*N_191. They placed their principal security against foreign invasion in the natural advantages of their country, which was defended by a sultry climate, by craggy mountains, and sandy deserts. They retreated before the Turks to their inaccessible fastnesses, and wasted the immediate seat of war, so as to leave nothing for the subsistence of their enemies. They harassed the Ottoman armies on their march, intercepted their convoys, and cut off their foraging parties; drew them into ambushes by judicious feints, attacked them during the passage of rivers, or in the straits of the mountains, and falling upon them with collected force in their retreats, frequently succeeded in cutting off their rear, and capturing or destroying their artillery and baggage†N_192. Murad sought to avoid the calamities which his predecessors had experienced, by adopting a more dilatory, though less hazardous, plan of operations. Instead of venturing on uncertainties, and exposing his armies to the clv power of the enemy in countries fortified by nature, he projected the establishment of permanent garrisons as he advanced, so as to command the roads and passes, and to facilitate the means of regular communica- Ition between his armies; but his treasury was unequal to the construction of fortresses and the maintenance of garrisons in desolated and unappropriated countries*N_193, and his plans were baffled by the refractoriness of his soldiers, who peremptorily refused to subject themselves to servile labour and the hardships of garrison-service†N_194. The war was protracted through twelve campaigns, and though it was not rendered memorable by any great event nor any decisive battle, it was fatal to the Ottomans on account of the mortality occasioned not less by famine and sickness than by the temerity and obstinacy of their generals. The Persians adhered to clvi their plan of defensive war, and deferred their chief attacks until the winter season, when they fell upon the Ottomans, after the main army was disbanded, cut to pieces their dispersed garrisons, and re-occupied the countries which had submitted to their arms. Both parties were, however, exhausted by the long duration of such destructive hostilities: the sultan was at length induced, from the necessity of confirming his conquests by distributing them among his soldiery, to accede to the proposals of the king of Persia, who resigned to his dominion the cities of Erivan, Tauris, and Ganja, together with the territory which he had conquered in Armenia, Georgia, and Shirvan*N195.

[[N_191* See Elzevir. Turc. imp. status, p. 295. Mignot, t. ii, p. 230.]]

[[N_192† See Knolles, v. i, p. 660-707. Cantemir, p. 233. Mig-not, t. ii, p. 235.]]

[[N_193* " Costano ad Amurath un thesoro per li presidij che vi convien tenere, et la grossa provisione di yettovaglie, poich«s il paese non ne cava; et non ne ha utile dagli habitant!, sendo questi ritirati alle montagne, et altri luoghi de' Giorgiani." (Re-latione dello stato, &c. M.S. No. 1872 in the Harleian collection.)]]

[[N_194† See Knolles, v. i, p. 662, 666, 667, 679, 681, 686, 688, 705. Cantemir, p. 233, See also M.S. No. 1872 in the Harleian collection} Relationc dello stato, &c.]]

[[N_195* See Knolles, v. i, p. 707. Cantemir, p. 231—234. " Fertur, Turcam, bello quod cum Peraa gessit, tantum sibi terra subjecisse, ut quadraginta Timarrorum millia in ea erexerit, institueritque novum gazophylacium Tauruii, unde aureorum millio ad ipsum redit." Elzevir. (ex politeia regia) p. 285.]]

The Turks thus maintained the ascendancy which they had formerly acquired over the nations of the East, and were as yet untaught by experience, that they were no longer superior in arms to the Western Chris-tians. The military commanders on the borders of Hungary and Croatia, although the clvii Ottoman and Austrian monarchies were presumed to be at peace, encouraged or permitted incursions into the neighbouring territories, for the purpose of procuring plunder and exercising the courage of their soldiers. In these savage inroads castles were surprised and villages destroyed: the cultivated country was spoiled of its cattle and produce, and the peasantry were driven into slavery. It was, however, only when they were carried to excess, that they attracted the attention, or excited the remonstrance, of either government*N_196.

[[N_196* See Knolles, v. i, p. 705, 706, 708, 714, 716.]]

Croatia, a province on the frontiers of Turkey, was( transferred as a fief to Charles, duke of Styria, who, in order to maintain it in an adequate state of defence, and to check or retaliate the aggressions of the Turks, built the fortress of Karlstadt, and distributed lands among a colony of freebooters whom he formed into a militia†N_197. The Uscocks, another band of adventurers, obtained a settlement in Styria, whence they infested both the sea and land, and harassed the Turks with desultory, but unremitted, hostilities‡N_198.

[[N_197† See Coxe, v. i, p. 679.]]

[[N_198‡ See Knolles, v. i, p. 713, 714. Coxe, v. i, p. 680, 681.]]


Christian historians accuse the sultan of having first violated the league which he had made with Rodolph the Second on the death of Maximilian. But, however desirous he might be of annexing to his kingdom of Hungary the towns and castles which were still possessed by the house of Austria, it was for the avowed purpose of punishing the injuries which his subjects had received from the Uscocks, that he authorized the pasha of Bosnia, without any previous declaration of war, to invade Croatia with an army of fifty-thousand men*N_199. The Austrian troops, under the command of the arch-duke Matthias, attempted the siege of Alba, and though it was raised by the pasha of Buda, they took Filec and Novigrad, and were besieging Gran when they were completely routed by the grand vizir, who, in his turn, made himself master of Raab, one of the strongest fortresses of Lower Hungary, which was esteemed the bulwark of Vienna†N_200.

[[N_199* See Knolles, v. i, p. 714, 715. Coxe, v.i, p. 621.]]

[[N_200† See Knolles, v. i, p. 721-724, 726, 734. Mignot, t. ii, p. 252—256. " Jattavano di voler passare l'Austria, et voler andare in Bohemia, nel qual regno havevano molte loro spie per torre in nota li fiumi, le fortezze, il sito del paese, sperando per quella loro alterezza Turchesea d'acquistar facilmente tutti quei paesi." Relatione dello stato dell' imperio Turchesco, nel anno 1594.]]


The vaivoda of Transilvania, from considerations of personal advantage, formed an alliance with the enemies of the porte, and prevailed upon the princes of Wallachia and Moldavia to join in the confederacy*N_201. The affairs of the Ottomans, notwithstanding their successes in Hungary and Croatia, were so endangered by this combination as to require the presence of the sultan at the head of his troops. Murad, in spite of his reluctance to expose his person to the fatigues and dangers of a campaign, was preparing to join the army, when he was seized with a fever and died†N_202.

[[N_201* See Knolles, v. i, p. 736, 737. It was stipulated in the treaty of offensive and defensive alliance between Sigismund and Rodolph, that Transilvania should be made a fief of the empire, hereditary in the reigning family and, on the failure of natural heirs, in that of Austria; that the vaivoda should marry a princess of the imperial family, be made prince of the Roman empire and knight of the order of the golden fleece, and that an asylum should be granted to him in the hereditary dominions, with a revenue suitable to his dignity, in the event of his being forced by the success of the Turks to abandon his principality. The Transilvanians were, however, dissatisfied with the conduct of their prince, and laid a scheme to seize upon his person, and to deliver him into the hands of the Turks. Sigismund pre-rented the conspiracy by apprehending, and condemning to death, fourteen of the principal nobility, whom, for that purpose, he had invited to a public entertainment.]]

[[N_202† See Mignot, t. ii, p. 258—261. "All the Turkish historians I have seen," says Cantemir, p. 235, "strangely pass over in silence clx the character and manners of this emperor, contrary to their constant custom." D'Ohsson, however, appears to have been more successful in his researches, and we learn from him, that Murad the Third, who was naturally credulous, became, on account of the disaster* of his reign, a slave to the most gloomy superstition, so that even his public conduct and the decisions of his cabinet were influenced by the prognostications of'dreamers, soothsayers and astrologers. The vices of his character, among which avarice was the most predominant, arose, in a great degree, from the same cause, which gradually generated such an infirmity of mind that his death wa* occasioned, in his fifty-fourth year, by the shock of so trivia] an accident as the breaking of a pane of glass. (See Tab. Gen. t. i, p. 389—405.) His constitutional rigour is scarcely less extraordinary than his mental imbecility. According to D'Ohsson he distributed his favours among forty ladies of the imperial fiarem, and sa' occupied them as to leave neither leisure nor inclination for interference in politics and court-intrigues. " Vengo al secondo capo della libidine " (says the writer of the state of the Turkish empire in the year 1594) " nella quale cede poco a Tiberio, a Nerone et a Caligula, percioche oltre la moglie ha 23 schiave di maravigliosa bellezza per concubine or-dinarie, ed altre extraordinary, alle quali attende cosi bene che si sono vedute muovere in un' istesso tempo trenta-due cune con 32 figluoli dentro d'esso signore."]]

{Mahomet the Third. A. D. 1595-1603.}


The Hungarian war continued throughout the reign of Mahomet the Third*N_203, and the events of almost every campaign, subsequently to the defection of the Transilvanians and their confederates, tended to destroy the opinion which had been hitherto common both to the Imperialists and the Turks, that the Ottoman armies were invincible*N_204. In the hostile and irregular inroads which preceded the war, and the'success of which depended on the secrecy of preparation and the celerity of execution, the Turks were frequently intercepted on their return by the troops of the neighbouring garrisons or the armed inha-bitants of the country, were stripped of their spoil, and cut to pieces or driven out of the province with loss and confusion. In the more regular warfare they evinced an evident inferiority to their enemies in the scientific attack of fortified places†N_205, or the systematic disposition of their forces in the field; in employing or counteracting military stratagems; in guarding against, or recovering from surprise; in availing themselves clxii of advantages with judgment and promptitude, or in showing constancy and fortitude under difficulties and defeats. They relied principally on their disproportioned superiority of number. The infidels in many instances pillaged their camps while their armies remained inactive, and even drove them from their fortifications almost without meeting resistance *N_206.

[[N_203* Sultan Murad left nineteen sons, " who being all strangled by command of the eldest, followed their father to immortality." (Cantemir, p. 235.) It was probably in allusion to this event, which perhaps was recent when Shakspere wrote the second pan of Henry the Fourth, that the prince of Wales, with a sovereign disregard of chronology, says to his brothers, in ordar to reliev* their anxiety on the death of the king,
" This is the English, not the Turkish court:
Not Amurath an Amurath succeeds,
But Harry Harry."

[[N_204* See Knolles, v. i, p. 743.]]

[[N_205‡ " Duo haec maxime milites in universum Bella horrent; Persicum, ob longinquitatem, desertaque terrarum qua necessario transeundum est; Hungaricumque, ob arcium obstacula crebra, diversumque bellandi genus; quo, nisi cominus, ut ipsi dicunt, Igne pugnatur." Montalbanus, in Turc. imp. statu ap. Elzevir, p. 86.]]

[[N_206* See Knolles, v. i, art. Mahomet the Third, passim, p. 741 —836.]]

In former wars Transilvania had facilitated the passage of the Turks and the Tartars into Hungary, and, by dividing the forces, had weakened the exertions, of their enemies. But the Tartars, in consequence of the revolt of the vaivoda and his confederates, and the refusal of the Poles to allow them to pass through the territories of the republic, were obliged to force a passage through an enemy's country, in order to form a junction with the Turkish armies†N_207. The Austrians were left at leisure, by so strong a diversion, to pursue their plans of conquest. While the common miseries of war were aggravated to the Ottomans by famine and disease, which were occasioned by the privation of supplies clxiii from the principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia, on which they chiefly relied for the subsistence of their armies in Hungary*N_208. The war which they themselves had solicited, would probably have terminated by their expulsion from the territories beyond the Danube, if the emperor had shown wisdom in the administration of government equal to the conduct of his generals, and the courage of his soldiers-†N_209.

[[N_207† See Knolles, v.i, p. 725, 727, 728, 755, 812.]]

[[N_208* See Knolles, v. i, p. 742, 744, 754, 755, 756, 760, 764, 769, 804, 812. Coxe, v. i, p. 682.]]

[[N_209† The loss of the strongest fortresses and chief cities in Upper and Lower Hungary, in Croatia, and Wallachia, induced a general desire in the Ottoman ministry and the nation, that Sultan Mahomet would put himself at the head of his armies. But such was his known aversion from sharing in the hazards of war, that no one dared to insinuate to him the necessity of the measure ; until the sheik, or preacher, of Sancta Sophia publicly exhorted him, in an animated discourse, to rescue the affairs of the faithful from imminent destruction. The general sense of the assembly was in unison with the words of the preacher, and was so emphatically expressed that the sultan was induced to accede to the wishes of his people. (See Tab. Gen. t.ii, p. 571.) Mahomet commanded during three campaigns. He took the fortress of Agria, and obliged the archduke Matthias to retreat with a severe, though mutual, loss. (See Knolles, v. i, p. 768. Cantemir, p. 236, 237.)]]

The confederated feudatories suspected each others fidelity, and occasionally returned to their allegiance and took up arms clxiv against their colleagues, or renounced obedience to the sultan and joined the standard of his enemies*N_210. The dominion of the porte was, however, eventually re-established in Wallachia and Moldavia. Transilvania was ceded by Sigismund to the house of Austria; but the Austrian government was odious tor the inhabitants. Sigismund again resumed, and again relinquished, the sovereignty. The insurgents, under a succession of patriotic leaders, alternately triumphed over, or fled before^ the Imperial generals; but the national cause finally prevailed, and the Austrian garrisons were expelled from the principality by the successive efforts of Botskay, Bathor, and Gabor†N_211. The Hungarians also were excited to resent the unconstitutional intrusion of foreigners into their highest offices, the licentious outrages of the German soldiery, and the general severity and intolerance of the Austrian administration: they rose up at the instigation of Botskay, arid aided by the co-operation of the Transil- clxv vanians and the Turks, they drove out their opponents, extended their conquests over almost all the imperial division of Hungary, .and re-established their national govern-ment*N_212. The sultan, in the meantime, was harassed by seditions in his capital, and insurrections in his Asiatic provinces, by the revolt of the Georgians, and the hostilities of the Persians, who recovered the cities of Tauris and Bagdad†N_213. The emperor was not less embroiled with his own family, his hereditary subjects, and the states of Germany, in consequence of his despotic and intolerant proceedings. He was at Jength compelled, by the exhausted state of his finances, the ravages of the Turks, and the evils of intestine war, to conclude a peace with Botskay on conditions favourable to,the independence and the religious liberties of Hungary. The pacification of Vienna and the intervention of ^.j, 1606j Botskay led to a truce for twenty years with Sultan Ahmed, who had succeeded to the throne on the death of his father Mahomet, in which it was stipulated, that the fortress {Mustafa the First. Osman the Second. A. D. 1617 - 1623.} clxvi of Vakhia should be restored to the emperor, and that the sultan should retain possession of Gran, the ancient boundary of his Hungarian territory*N_214. The Ottomans, being thus freed from the embarrassments of European warfare, quickly suppressed the tumults in Asia, and reduced the Persian king to acquiesce in terms of accommodation, which were honourable and advantageous to the empire†N_215.

[[N_210* See Knolles, v. i, p. 745, 769, 770, 778. Mignot, t,if, p. 277. Coxe, v. i, p. 683, 684.]]

[[N_211† See Knolles, v.i, p. 769, 770, 773, 776, 783—790, 7S5 —797, 798, 815—819, 831, 839, 840, 843, 853, 854, Coxe, v. i, p. 683, 684, 636, 687.]]

[[N_212* See Knolles, v. i, p. 841, 853—876. Coxe, v. i, p. 694, 702, 703.]]

[[N_213† See Knolles, v. i, p. 761, 809—812, 825, 839, 845, 957. Mignot, t. ii, p. 286. Tab. Gen. t.1, p. 405, 406.]]

[[N_214* See Coxe, v. i, chap. 43, 44. Knolles, 7. i, p. 876—878. Mignot, t. ii,p. 319—322.]]

[[N_215† See Knolles, v. i, p. 880, 881. Grimston (in continuation of Knolles) p. 905, 913. Mignot, t. ii, p. 325—347.]]

The government of the Ottoman empire had been hitherto transmitted in regular suc-cession from father to son; but on the decease of Ahmed, whose children were still in their minorit}7, the divan, in conformity with the spirit of the Mussulman law, proclaimed his brother Mustafa to be the rightful successor‡N_216. Mustafa was the first of the clxvii collateral princes who had been confined in the Seraglio, where no pains were taken to remove his natural imbecility*N_217. He evinced an utter incapacity for public business, and was dethroned after a reign of four months†N_218. Osman was proclaimed sultan though he had scarcely attained the age of twelve‡N_219; he held his precarious sovereignty during four years, when he excited a general insurrection of the janizaries by persisting in measures which indicated an intention to enfeeble or abolish their order§N_220. They compelled him to resign the throne to his uncle, and conducted him with every mark of ignominy to a public prison, where he was soon after murdered by the ministers of Mustafa¦N_221.

[[N_216‡ Knolles (v. i, p. 946) says, that Mustafa refused at first to accept of the empire " which rightly belonged to the eldest son of Ahmed." Canterair (p. 241) says, that " Osman had more right to the empire than Mustafa, who was chosen as a contemplative and inoffensive man." Even D'Ohsson, notwithstanding he acknowledges, that the nomination of Mustafa was " d'apres l'esprit da la loi," considers this event as a dangerous innovation. " C'est la l'epoque ou l'ordre de succession au trône, fut, pour ainsi dire, interverti." (Tab. Gen. t. i, p. 284.)]]

[[N_217* See Knolles, v. i, p. 945. Tab. Gen. t. i, p. 285,411.]]

[[N_218† See Cantemir, p. 241. Series imperatorum Turcicorum, ex annalibus Turcicis a Leunclavio editis, atque aliis scriptoribus, in Turc. imp. statu ap. Elzevir, p. 274.]]

[[N_219‡ See Knolles, v. i, p.^)45. Cantemir, p. 241, 242, says, that Osman was but eight years old: but this age is irreconcile-able with that which he assigns to Murad,his younger brother (see p. 243.), and with Osnfen's subsequent determination to perform the pilgrimage to Mecca, which cannot be undertaken by a minor. (SeeTab. Gen. t. iii, p. 59.)]]

[[N_220§ See Knolles, v.i, p. 969, 971,972. Mignot, t.ii.p. 419 —424. Tab. G6n. t. i, p. 409. Series imperat. Turc. in Turc. imp. statu ap. Elzevir, p. 274.]]

[[N_221¦ See Knolles, v. i, p. 970. Cantemir, p. 242. Mignot, t. ii, p. 439. Tab. Gen. t, i, p. 299. Series imperat. Turc. in Turc. imp. statu ap. Elzevir, p. 275.]]


The severity of discipline which so preeminently distinguished the Ottoman armies during three centuries, gradually vanished under the successors of Soliman, whose concessions to the refractoriness of the feudaj militia, and whose connivance at the irregularities of the standing army, encouraged and diffused a general spirit of licentiousness; s6 that, both in the provinces and in the capital, the soldiery, and particularly the janizaries, insulted the majesty of the throne and the person of the monarch by open sedition and by the violation of every duty *N_222.

[[N_222* Murad the Third was so intimidated by the frequent sedition* of the janizaries (ten of which are enumerated by Mignot,. t. ii, p, 261.) that for two years he'did not'dare to go out of the Seraglio. (See Tab. Gen. t. ii, p. 201.) 'See also Knolle», T. j, p. 690, 707, 708, 736. Lazarus Soranzus, de miift, cpp,.Turc. in Turc, imp. statu ap. Elzeyir, p; 233.]]

As the interests of a standing army are seldom blended with those of the public weal, the janizaries were easily seduced from their allegiance, and stimulated into revolt, by the artifice of faction, or the impulse of re-sentment. But the proprietors of military fiefs, though they had sometimes refused obedience to the sultan's' commands, were clxix interested in upholding the constitutional prerogatives of the imperial family, and the established order of succession to the thronci The Asiatic provinces heard with indignation of the atrocities which were committed in the capital, and of the usurpations of the soldiery. They disclaimed allegiance to Mustafa, and took up arms to avenge the murder of Osman*N_223. Their zeal excited general emulation, and the justice of their cause attracted multitudes to their standard. Even the divan and the members of the ulema, who perceived, that they held their lives and dignities at the mercy of the soldiery, assisted the progress of the revolt by secret co-operations and public discourses, while they disseminated jealousy and dissensions among the janizaries, whom they artfully induced to abandon the cause of Mustafa, before they adopted measures to subdue, or to reconcile, the insurgents†N_224.

[[N_223* See Knolles, v. i, p. 975, 980. Rycaut, history of the Turkish empire from the year 1623 to the year 1677, in continuation of Knolles, v. ii, p. 1. Mignot, t. ii, p. 444, 461.]]

[[N_224† See Knolles, v. i, p. 974. Rycaut, v. ii, p. 2, 3, 5.]]

Contemporary observers, on comparing the events which occurred since the death of Ahmed with the disorders occasioned by the clxx licentiousness of the Roman soldiery, were led to assimilate the establishment of the janizaries to that of the Praetorians, and to predict the downfal of the Ottoman empire from their lawless interference in political deliberations*N_225. But though there has been, in many instances, an apparent uniformity in the conduct of these two military bodies, yet there was an essential difference in the object of their institution and the nature of their services. The government of the Roman empire was constitutionally elective†N_226, and the situation of the monarch was necessarily dependent. The Praetorian bands, who retained the same name as the general's guard of honour in the armies of the republic, were permanently established in the vicinity of Rome for the purpose of protecting the emperor, subduing faction, and over- clxxi awing the senate and people*N_227. But in the intoxication of uncontrolled power they assumed to themselves the exercise of rights which they were appointed to repress, and became the masters, instead of the guardians, of the person of the prince.—:The prerogative of the sultans requires no external support: it is founded on the Mussulman religion, and is interwoven with the very existence of the Ottoman community. The order of janizaries was instituted, not for the purpose of maintaining the authority of the monarch over his natural subjects, but for extending his dominion over foreign nations†N_228. Though, however, their establishment be not clxxii a necessary part of the system of Ottoman despotism, it has sometimes proved no less fatal in its consequences to the individual sovereign than that of the Praetorians. From their union under one command the janizaries became conscious of their strength, and from their station in the capital, during the intervals of foreign war, they acquired a preponderating influence in domestic broils*N_229. They were, however, restrained by the presence of other bodies of regular troops, the cavalry, artillery-men, armourers, and marines, against whom they have sometimes been engaged even in open-hostilities, on account of the contrariety of their views or the opposition of their interests. Either of these bodies can occasionally form a rallying point for the populace of Constantinople, which does not consist of enervated artisans, but of men professedly soldiers, who are used to arms, and are scarcely inferior to the regular troops, especially since the general neg- clxxiii lect of discipline*N_230. The Ottoman nation constitutes one great military community, and is naturally adverse to the exercisej or the establishment, of military despotism. The janizaries cannot therefore*, like the Praetorians, trample with impunity upon the constitution, usurp the sovereign prerogatives, and put up the empire to sale†N_231. The sanction of law can alone justify their conduct in the eyes of the nation; and it is worthy of remark, that, in the midst of their excesses, they have always evinced a tender regard for clxxiv the curiously complicated frame of their po-litical constitution*N_232. The mischiefs which they have introduced have been partial in their effect, and temporary in their duration. They have never aimed at the subversion of principles, nor the abolition of institutions, which are sanctioned by the constitution; and instead of hastening the decline of the empire, it may be doubted whether they have not more frequently restored, than de-rapged, the order of government: neither have their domestic disturbances materially affected the gensral prosperity of the empire. Perhaps the only .evil which has resulted from the seditions of the janizaries, is the licence which they have assumed of resisting the endeavours of government to restore discipline, clxxv and to ameliorate the military system. They have sanctified even the errors of their ancestors. They reprobate the introduction of European tactics and resist the organization of new levies. They will neither adopt improvement, nor tolerate innovation; and if government be not awed by their indirect menaces into the abandonment of its measures, they revolt from their allegiance, and take up arms, in order to crush the institution in its infancy, which might endanger their supremacy in its more mature state.

[[N_225* See Series Imperat. Turc. in Turc. imp. statu ap. Elzevir, p. 275. See also p. 5, 230—233, 285. Knolles, v. i, p. 980, 983—985, and a quotation in Robertson, v. i, p. 475, from Nicolas Daulphiaois who accompanied M. d'Aramon, ambassador from Henry the Second, of France, to Soliman, and who predicted, that the janizaries would one day become formidable to their masters, and act the same part at Constantinople as the Prsetorian bands had done at Rome. (Collection of voyage* from the Earl of Oxford's library, t. i, p. 599.)]]

[[N_226† See Gibbon, v. 5, p. 170.]]

[[N_227* See Gibbon, v. i, p. 168.]]

[[N_228† Dr. Robertson (v. i, p. 226) says, that " an armed force must surround the throne of every despot, to maintain his authority and to execute his commands." This maxim is, however, irreconcileable with the theory, as well as the practice, of the Ottoman government: for it may be obierved in many pas-iages of the Turkish history, that, whenever the authority of the sultans was wavering, they declared a foreign war, in order to have a pretence for removing the armed force from the seat of government, and for restoring the authority of the laws. It is also an assertien unwarranted by the Turkish historians (though Dr. Robertson quotes Cantejnir in support of it), that Murad the First instituted the order of the janizaries " in order to form a body of troops de-voted to hit will, that might serve as the immediate guards of his person and dignity."]]

[[N_229* The janizaries may be compared with greater propriety to the legions, than to the Prxtorian bands, 'of Rome; except that the main body of the janizaries, instead of being encamped, like the legions, on the frontiers of the empire, habitually reside in the capital, whence they are draughted to join the grand army on the opening of the campaign.]]

[[N_230* M. de la Motraye relates (t. i, p. 353), that in a revolt of the janizaries and spahls, during the reign of Soliman the Second, the inhabitants of Constantinople remained quiet spectators as long as the insurgents continued to respect the property of individuals; but on their pillaging some of the merchants warehouses, the people assembled in arms, under the walls of the Seraglio, to the number of an hundred thousand men, who immediately quelled the revolt, and restored the cause of the sultan, which before seemed hopeless.]]

[[N_231† Montesquieu very properly compares the power and functions of the Pmorian prefect, after the time of Severus, with those of the grand vizir, or generalissimo of the Ottoman forces, and not of thejanizar-aga, or general of the corps of janizaries. (See Grandeur et decadence des Remains, chap, xvii.)—There exists, however, a strong analogy between the Prsetorians and the Mameluke guards of the Egyptian sultans, whose power was founded only on force, and v.ho, like the Roman emperors, had broken down every barrier between the sovereign and the army, by depriving the people of the use of arms, and the right of deliberating on the conduct of government.]]

[[N_232* The following observation on the conduct of the janizaries is extracted from the papers and despatches of Sir Thomas Roe, his Majesty's ambassador with the Grand Signer during the reigns of Mustafa and Osman. (See Knolles, v. i, p. 972.) " The mutineers having no head or direction, kept that re-legement, that they took oath in their fury, in hot blood, in the king's yard, not to dishonour, tpoil, nor sack the Imperial throne: neither committed nor suffered any inso-lency or violence in the city to the neutrals, but rather proclaimed peace and justice."—A striking instance of the fidelity of the insurgents to the constitution, and their refusal to violate the order of sueccssion, is also recorded by Motraye, in t. i, p, 330.]]

Murad the Fourth was but fourteen years {Murad the Fourth. A. D. 1628-1640 } old on his accession to the throne. The dis-orders which had originated from the feeble and impolitic administration of his predecessors, could not immediately be repressed by the authority of a child. The public treasury was empty*N_233, the ordinary resources of the empire were exhausted, while the janizaries continued mutinous and insolent, and the provinces were in a state of declared rebellion. The Tartars refused to acknowledge the khan who had been nominated by clxxvi the porte. They defeated the sultan's troops, and expelled his garrison from Kaffa: n$r did they return to their allegiance till he had signified his acquiescence in their choice*N_234. In the mean time the Persian armies invaded the empire, and conquered or ravaged the frontier provinces from Arabia to the Euxine sea†N_235. But that which exhibited in the strongest light the weakness to which the state was reduced in consequence of civil discord, was the expedition of the Cossaks, who* fitted out an armament of a hundred and fifty boats on the Dnieper, and entering the Bosphorus, where not a single galley was left to oppose them, continued, during several days, to insult the capital of the Turkish empire, and to plunder the neighbouring villages, almost without molestation‡N_236. Murad, clxxvii during a reign of seventeen years, revived the glory of the Ottoman name. The dilatory proceedings of his generals obliged him to take upon himself the command of his army and the conduct of the Persian war, which he terminated, after four campaigns, by forcing the Persians to cede the cities and territories which Shah Abbas the Great had wrested from the Ottoman empire*N_237. His bravery and skill in war procured him the surname of Gazi, or the ConquerorN_238†: but his most important victory was that which he obtained over his own subjects. He humbled the arrogance, and punished the outrages, of the janizaries, by exposing them, under every disadvantage of number and circumstance, to the armies of the Asiatic insurgents, and compelled them, after a series of disasters, --to accede to terms of reconciliation with their avowed enemies, whose chief he received into favour and rewarded for his fidelity to the clxxviii throne*N_239. The character of his government . was inflexible severity. Not only the superior officers of the state and army felt the weight of his displeasure, but even the subalterns and privates of the janizaries, who had been the boldest promoters of former seditions, could no longer skreen themselves from his resentment by the obscurity of their stations†N_240: He exacted from all the public agents a strict observance of their duty‡N_241. He tolerated no exemption from military service, but inexorably punished the disobedient soldiers, and confiscated the estates of the feudal militia who failed to appear at the general muster§N_242. By his peremptory enforcement of military law he ensured the regular complement of his levies, and habituated his armies to that severe subordination which recalled victory to the Ottoman standards¦N_243. At the beginning of his reign clxxix his indignation had been excited against the standing army; but when he had subdued the haughtiness of the janizaries by rigour and discipline, he encouraged their obedience by his favour, and stimulated their enterprise by his example. He assisted at their public exercises, and contended with them in feats of strength or address. He marched at the head of their corps, dressed in the uniform of their order, made his saddle his pillow, endured suffering with patience, and encountered danger with intrepidity*N_244. He sanctioned the severity of his government by subjecting even himself to its salutary discipline; and notwithstanding the occasional excesses of his intemperance, and the habitual ferocity of his character, his army served him with zeal and. his subjects regarded him with veneration†N_245

[[N_233* Rycaut (v. ii, p. 2) says, that the porte demanded a loan of thirty thousand sequins from the four Christian ambassadors who were resident at Constantinople, "in order that they, as friends, might assist in the urgency of affairs."]]

[[N_234* See Rycaut, v. ii, p. 3. Mignot, t. ii, p. 463—466, 468.]]

[[N_2358244; " The Persian king divided his army into four parts. The first was dispatched into Mesopotamia, commanded by the king himself. The second made incursions into Palestine. The third infested the coast of the Black Sea, and the fourth marched towards Mecca, with hope and design of sharing all the parts of the Eastern empire." (Rycaut, v. ii, p. 6, 7.) See also Mig, not, t. ii, p. 471.]]

[[N_236‡ See Rycaut, v. ii, p. 4. Mignot, t. ii, p. 466. " To curb these insolencies, the Turks gave orders to build two forts at the mouth of the Black Sea: the Polish ambassador made complaint hereof, and protested against it, as an act contrary to die capitulations of peace," (Rycaut, t ii, p. 11.)]]

[[N_237* See Rycaut, v. ii, p.*28, 37, 45. " No ether difficulty arose in the negociation for peace besides the dispute concerning Reran (Erivan), which at length was agreed to remain unto the Persian, as Bagdad was confirmed to the Turk." Cantemir (p. 249) says, that " this was the last overthrow of the Persians, since which they have not dared to be revenged, nor to lift up their heads against the Ottoman power."]]

[[N_238† See Cantemir, p. 243.]]

[[N_239* See Rycaut, v. ii, p. 10, 11, 12. Cantemir, p. 244, note 2.]]

[[N_240† See Rycaut, v. ii, p. 12, 15, 19, 20, 23, 32, 48. Mig-not, t. ii, p. 470, 4,86—490, 508. Cantemir (p. 250) mistakes the sultan's policy for wanton cruelty.]]

[[N_241‡ See Rycaut, v. ii, p. 28.]]

[[N_242§ See Rycaut, v. ii, p. 37. Mignot, t. ii, p. 497, t. iii, P. 16.]]

[[N_243¦ See Rycaut, v. ii, p. 31. Mignot, t, iii, p. 21.]]

[[N_244* See Rycaut, v. ii, p. 31, 41. Cantemir, p. 251. Mignot, t. ii, p. 473, t.iii, p. 2, 24, 26.]]

[[N_245† The character of this great sultan is to be collected rather from the events of his reign, than the partial judgment of his historians. Rycaut says, that " he was so bad that he had scarce any allay of virtue." Cantemir has collected from accounts which he acknowledges to be partly fabulous, some ridiculous and improbable anecdotes; and Voltaire (essai sur les moeurs, chap, cxci) erroneously asserts, that " in the opinion of the Turks he had no other merit than his valour."]]


{Ibrahim. A. D. 1640-1648. }

Ibrahim, the brother and successor of Mu-rad, was the only surviving prince Of the Ottoman family. He resigned himself to the indulgence of his appetites and the pleasures of the harem*N_246; while his ministers, encouraged by the success of their expedition against the Cossaks of the Don whom they expelled from tne city of Azoff†N_247, prepared a formidable armament under pretence of invading Malta and clearing the Mediterranean Sea from pirates. Venice, conscious of her comparative weakness, beheld the Turkish preparations with anxiety, and trembled for the safety of her insulated colonies : but the divan soothed the apprehensions of the senate by assurances Of unshaken friendship, clxxxi and honoured their ambassador at the porte with every mark of courtesy*N_248. The Turkish fleet even put into the island of Tino for water and refreshments, and the Ottoman admiral claimed from the inhabitants of Ce-rigo the customary present, in token of the amity which existed between the two governments†N_249. The Venetians did not, however, wholly neglect to provide the means of defence, but they endeavoured, with their characteristic policy, to avoid indicating suspicions which might give umbrage to the porte, and provoke hostilities‡N_250. The Turkish fleet, in the meantime, entered the harbours of Candia, and disembarked an army of seventy-four thousand men, furnished with every necessary instrument of war and siege, who immediately invested and captured the cities of Canea and Retimo, and reduced the whole island in less than two years, with the single exception of Candia, the capital§N_251.

[[N_246* The Turkish and Christian historians agree in describing this prince to have been wholly addicted to luxury, and inactive in the administration of government. They relate, and probably with great exaggeration, many particulars of his conduct, which are inconsistent with Turkish manners and many which no person could have witnessed. I haVe passed them over, as wholly unworthy of history. The fact of Ibrahim's deposition is slightly noticed by Cantemir, it is also alluded to by D'Obsson (Tab. Ge'n. t. i, p. 287), I must therefore admit it to be authentic, though the cause and circumstances of it, as related by Rycaut are certainly fabulous.]]

[[N_247† See Rycaut, v. ii, p. 52,52. Cantemir, p. 252. Mignot, t. iii, p. 53, 55, 56.]]

[[N_248* See Rycaut, v. ii, p, S7, 58, 59. Cantemir, p. 252~* 25i. Mignot, t. iii, p. 66—69.]]

[[N_249† See Rycaut, v, ii, p. 60, Mignot, t, iii, p. 70, 71.]]

[[N_250‡ See Rycaut, v. ii, p. 57, 60. Mignot, t, iii, p. 71.]]

[[N_251§ See Rycaut, v. ii, p. 59, 61, 74. Cantemir, p. 254. Mignot, t. iii, p. 69, 72, 73.]]

Ibrahim was put to death by his subjects. clxxxii {Mahomet the Forth. A. D. 1648-1697.} Mahomet the Fourth succeeded to the throne of his father when he was only seven years, old*N_252. The early part of his reign was disturbed by the factions of his ministers and the mutinies of his soldiers, until the wise, though severe, administration of Kioprili Mehemed, and that of his son Ahmed, restored confidence to the nation, and infused vigour into the councils of government†N_253.

[[N_252* See Rycaut, v. ii, p. 81. Motraye, t. I, p. 346. Can-temir, p. 255. Mignot, t. iii, p. 98.]]

[[N_253† See Rycaut, v, ii; p. 82, 84, 88, 104, 105, 112,113. See also his Present state of the Ottoman empire, chap. iv. Motraye, t. i, p. 346, 3-17. Canterair, p. 255, 256. Mignot, t-Ui, p. 127, 131.]]

{ A. D. 1657-1664}

The war of Transilvania, which was provoked by the disobedience of the vaivoda Ragotski, was terminated by his defeat and death. The Turks seized upon Great Vara-din and a circuit of territory sufficient for the maintenance of the garrison, as a reimbursement for the expenses of the war; while the Transilvanians, who were irritated by this encroachment on their territories, deposed the vaivoda whom the porte had appointed, and conferred the principality on Kemeni, one of Ragotski's generals, Kemeni implored the protection of the emperor Leo- clxxxiii pold, and admitted German garrisons into his principal fortresses, in the vain hope of confirming his authority and maintaining his elevation against the power of the Turks: but he was killed in a skirmish with the troops of the pasha of Buda, and Michael Abaffi, the vassal of the porte, was elected vaivoda by the states of Transilvania*N_254. After a tacit suspension of hostilities between the Ottomans and the Austrians, and an interval of insidious negociations, the war was suddenly renewed by the irruption of the vizir into Hungary, who besieged and took Neu-hausel, Neutra, Novigrad, Leventz, and Freystadt, while a detachment of his army entered Moravia and Austria, and intimidated the emperor into a removal from Vienna, The success of the Turks was counterbalanced in the ensuing year by the recapture of Neutra and Leventz, and by the defeat and slaughter of their bravest troops at the passage of St. Gothard on the Raab†N_255. clxxxiv Both parties were, however induced, by motives of policy independeent of the circum stances of the war, to concur in a truce for twenty years, by which it was stipulated, that Great Varadin and Neuhausel should remain to the porte in right of conquest, and Transilvania be confirmed to the vaivoda Abaffi*N_256.

[[N_254* See Rycaut, v. ii, p. 105—111. Cantemir, p. 256.]]

[[N_255† " While the hostile troops were preparing for the engagement, a young Turk, mounted on an Arabian courser, and co[253]Tered with splendid habiliments, darted from the ranks, flou, rishing his scimitar, and in the spirit of ancient chivalry, defied the brayeit of the Christians to single combat. He, was opposed by the chevalier de Loraine, who, in a few minutes, extended him lifeless on the earth, and led off his horse in triumph." (Coxe, v. i, p. 994.)]]

[[N_256* See Coxe, chap. 62, also Rycaut, v. ii, p. 140_145, 149, 151-160, for the proceedings of the war in Hungary. Rycaut says, that the 600,000 dollars which Abaffi, by the fourth article of the treaty, was to pay to the Ottomans for the expenses of the war, were actually paid by the emperor, though the dishonor of it was covered with the name of Abaffi.]]

The reduction of the city of Candia con-tinued to be an object of solicitude to the Ottoman cabinet. The maritime superiority of the Venetians had enabled them to convey regular succours to their own troops, while they obstructed the conveyance of supplies and reinforcements to the army of the besiegers†N_257. But on the termination of the clxxxv Hungarian war, the vizir resolved to conduct in person the operations of the siege, and to employ the whole force of the empire in its accomplishment. The Venetian garrison opposed bravery and skill to the assaults and the stratagems of the Turks, but were reduced to yield up the city by capitulation, after two years and four months, when they had exhausted all the military resources of {A. D. 1669.} the age in its defence*N_258.

[[N_257† See Rycaut, v. ii, p. 82, 84, 85, 86, 87, 89, 90, for the successive defeats of the Turkish fleet. The Venetians took the islands of Tenedos and Lemnos, Which were, however, retaken by the Turks in 1657. In the year 1659 the vizir built the lower forts which are situated at the entrance into the Dardanelles (p. 92).]]

[[N_258* For the history of the siege of Candia, see Rycaut, 7. ii, p. 185—188, 195—220. Cantemir, p. 256—262. Mignot, t. iii, p. 213—216.' 225—235.

Marsigli (part, ii, chap, xxiv) says, that during this "war the Turks first learned the art, and adopted a new method, of car. rying on sieges, by means of which they made themselves masters not only of the fortress of Candia, but of Neiihausel in Hun. gary and Kaminiec in Podolia ; and were seduced by the expert, ence of its efficacy to undertake the siege of Vienna.]]

The evacuation of the island of Candia, {A. D. 1670-1679.} and the adjustment of the dispute respecting" the frontier in Dalmatia, removed all obstacles to a peace with Venice. The Ottomans now took up arms in the cause of the Cossaks of the Ukraine, who refused their homage to the crown of Poland, and solicited the protection of the porte. The result of the war was advantageous to the Turks: they obtained by force the posses- clxxxvi sion of Kaminiec*N_259, and acquired by treaty the sovereignty over Podolia and the Ukraine‴N_260. But the Cossaks, a turbulent and versatile people, refused obedience to the porte, on the first exercise of its authority, and yielded themselves to Russia, by whose co-operation they defeated the armies and abolished the authority of the sultan‡N_261.

[[N_259* Cantemir says (p. 265), that " this was the last victory by which any advantage accrued to the Ottoman state," and the remark remains uncontradicted after the lapse of a century, except in the instance of the re-conquest of the Morea from the Venetians.]]

[[N_260† See Cantemir, p. 284—286.]]

[[N_261‡ See Cantemir, p. 287—295.]]

The antipathy of the Hungarians to the dominion of the house of Austria, involved the sovereign in continual disputes with the states of the kingdom. The nobility stickled for the privilege of electing the king and for the licence of the feudal constitution, while the emperors endeavoured to render the crown hereditary and to abolish the restrictions which were imposed on the exercise of their authority. Some of the principal nobles, who, under sanction of the constitution, formed an association in defence of their privileges, were convicted of rebellion and punished with death; but their public execution animated their countrymen to vindicate clxxxvii their liberty and independence. Emeric Te-* keli assumed the command of the insurgents, and was elected prince of Upper Hungary. His victories over the Imperial forces had so far established his power, that the porte was induced to acknowledge his title, and to der clare war against Austria in support of his pretensions *N_262.

[[N_262* See Manley ap. Rycaut, v. ij, p, 277—282. Rycaut, v. if, p. 15—94. Cantemir, p. 295—299. Coxe, v. i, p. 989— 991, 1070—1075.]]

Ahmed Kioprili, who inherited from his father the office of grand vizir and held it till his natural death, maintained the honour of the Ottoman arms rather by the successful issue of his negociations than by his military talents. But he left the forces, as well as the finances, of the empire unimpaired†N_263. clxxxviii His successor, Cara Mustafa, reviewed the army at Belgrade, which consisted of two hundred thousand fighting men*N_264: he summoned a council of war to deliberate on the plan of the campaign, but he rejected the counsels of Tekeli and of his own officers, who advised the previous and total conquest of Hungary, and persisted in his determination to carry the war into Austria†N_265. The Duke of Lorraine retreated before the Turks, and, after throwing a reinforcement into Vi-enna, encamped beyond the Danube, where he waited the arrival of succours from the king of Poland and the electors of Saxony and Bavaria‡N_266. The grand vizir opened his A m tees, trenches before Vienna on the fourteenth of July, and prosecuted the siege till the twelfth of September, when the generals of the Christian army, which was now strengthened by the accession of all the auxiliaries, reconnoitred the positions of Che enemy, and resolved to attack them. In the conduct of the siege, in the order of their camp and the clxxxix distribution of their forces, the Turks betrayed such ignorance of the science and the practice of war as removed at once whatever apprehensions had been excited by their superiority in number. The allied army de? scended from the mountains, and formed in order of battle as they reached the plain. The Turks fought in disorder, and, after a short and partial resistance, abandoned their camp, together with their artillery, their baggage and magazines*N_267. They fled with such precipitation, that, on the following day, they crossed the bridges of the Eaab, which is at the distance' of fifty-five miles from Vienna, where the wreck of the Ottor, man army encamped round the single tent which had been preserved with difficulty for the accommodation of the vizir†N_268.

[[N_263† See in Motraye, t. i, p 346—348, and in Cantemir, p. 256, note 3, the character of Ahmed Kioprili. He is called by the Turks the vicar of God's shadow, breaker of the bells of the blasphemous nations, the terrible leader, &c. &c. He was grand vizir from the age of thirty-three to fifty. He died, fortunately for his own reputation, in the year 1681, before the empire was overwhelmed by those evils which perhaps his prudence might have averted, but which the desultory energies of the Ottomans could never have resisted with success. Voltaire (essai sur les moeurs, chap, cxci) says, that he was one of the best generals in Europe, yet his conduct of the war in the Ukraine excited the contempt of Sobieski. (See Histoire de Pologne, t. i, p. 251. 8vo. Paris 1807.)]]

[[N_264* See Manley ap. Rycaut, v. ii, p. 287. Rycaut, v. ii? . p. 99.]]

[[N_265† See Cantemir, p. 300—304.]]

[[N_266‡ See Manley ap. Rycaut, v. ii, p. 289. Rycaut, y. ii, p. 100—103. Cantemir, p. 306.]]

[[N_267* For the operations during the siege of Vienna, see Manley ap. Rycaut, v. ii, p. 289—302. Rycaut, v. ii, p. 103—120, Cantemir, p. 304—311. Mignot, t. iii, p. 326-^-341. His, toire de Pologne, t. i, p, 273—280. See also Marsigli, t. ii, p. 75, 84, 119—122.]]

[[N_268† See Cantemir, p. 310. Marsigli, who had been taken prisoner by the Turks, was carried away with them on their retreat. They lost sight of Vienna about an hour before sunset, and continuing their march by moon-light, arrived at day-break at the river Leyta, .which they crossed, but did not stop, till they passed the Raab in the afternoon, (Stato militare, t. ii, p. 121.)]]


The emperor Leopold, who was wisely diffident of his military talents, left the ostensible command of the army to his ally the king of Poland, to whom the citizens of Vienna decreed the honours of the triumph*N_269; The heroism of John Sobieski arid the gallantry of the Polish troops justly entitled them to the gratitude of Christendom : But the merit of this celebrated victory must be ascribed principally to the judgment and experience of the Imperial general, and to the steady valour of the German regiments; for the Poles were neither habituated to subordination, familiarized with tactics, nor instructed in military science†N_270: while the war of thirty years, in which almost all the Continental nations were engaged, had introduced and established those improvements in cxci the art of destruction which, during the seventeenth century, gave to Germany a succession of soldiers and generals who may vie with the heroes of Macedon and Rome in bravery, in discipline, and skill*N_271. The Turks, with the exception of an expedition against Poland in the year 1621, which was altogether unimportant in its result, had consumed this season in bloody, but unin-structive, hostilities with the nations of the East*N_272. Their enemies immediately perceived, and availed themselves of, the superiority which they had acquired. The flight of the Turks from Vienna, and their subsequent defeats, unveiled their weakness to the world, and encouraged the republic -of Venice and the czar of -Muscovy to enter into the confederacy against them, and to assist the operations of the war in Hungary by invading the maritime provinces of Greece, and by diverting; the forces of the Tartars†N_273.

[[N_269* See Mignot, t. iii, p. 3437 Histoire de Pologne, t. i, p. 280. Coxe, v. i, p. 1079.]]

[[N_270† See in Voltaire, histoire de Charles xii, liv. ii, a description of the military force of Poland, which, in the year 1710, consisted of 100,000 cavalry " without discipline, subordination and experience," and 48,000 infantry, 'ill-armed and half-naked, without regular pay or uniform. " Toutes ces troupes etoient braves sans doute, mais tellement indisciplinees que, malgre 1'autorite du grand general de la couronne, de leurs autres chefs, et celle du roi meme, ils firent trop souvent autant de mal a'leuf propre patrie qu' a ses ennemis." (Histoire de Pologne, t. i, p. 16.)]]

[[N_271* The Poles indeed assumed to themselves the greatest share of the victory at Vienna, and, in consequence of it, claimed the right of marching in the van of the army; but they proceeded without order or caution, till they fell in, near Gran, with a body of 6000 Turkish horse and 2000 janizaries, whom they inconsiderately rushed forward to attack: when, however, the Turks perceived, that they acted without the Germans, they halted; and not only repulsed, but surrounded and would hare cut them to pieces, if the Duke of Lorraine had not arrived with some German regiments to their relief. (See Rycaut, t. ii, p. 125, 126. Cantemir, p. 311, 312. Mignot, t. iii, p. 34*8, 349.) Mr. Coxe says (v. i, p. 1080), that, " on the following day, the ardour of the Polish hero being tempered by thepk/egm of the German chief, they wip£d off their temporary disgrace by a complete defeat of the enemy." The Turks, however, had already so tempered the ardour of the Polish troops that, on the very night of their defeat, they were desirous of yielding the right wing (which was nearest to the enemy) to the Germans, and on the morrow were hardly prevailed upon to make trial of another engagement, and that not till they had changed their station (the post of honour), and mixed their troops with those of the Imperialists. " Fortune seemed favourable to them abroad," says Rycaut, " whilst they were directed by the auspicious conduct of the Duke of Lorraine, and other the greatest captains in the world; but being left to themselves, we shall hear of no great achievements. The Turks made only weak preparations against them, and left them to the Tartars, who proved a sufficient match for their neighbours, the Poles." History of the Turks, v. ii, p. 132. See also Cantemir, p. 320, 325, 334, 335, ,336.]]



The Turks were routed and cut to pieces in every battle: their strongest fortresses were surrendered, and Buda was taken by storm *N_274. In the fourth year of the war the Germans had driven them and their auxi* liaries from Hungary, Transilvapia, and Scla--vonia; while the Venetians, besides possessing themselves of several places in Dalmatia and Albania, had conquered the whole of the Morea†N_275. The energies of the Ottomans sunk under such accumulated misfortunes; and though their native valour remained .unimpaired, the incapacity of their generals was so obvious, even to the private soldiers, cxciv as to promote a spirit of insubordination which rendered their measures ineffectual. The army, after sustaining a signal defeat on the plains of Mohatz, fled towards Belgrade, and on reaching a place of safety, immediately revolted against their commanders. The vizir escaped from the camp and fled for protection to the sultan, who excited a general insurrection of the Turkish populace by endeavouring to screen his minister from their resentment*N_276. He was deposed by his subjects on the ground of his having brought down the anger of heaven upon the nation by the perverseness of his councils and the sins of his government†N_277. {Soliman the Second. A. D. 1687-1689.} His brother Soliman who succeeded to him, was insensible almost to stupidity, though eminent for the austerity of his life and the fervour of his devotion‡N_278. The public mind xcv was depressed by a succession of disasters: the people confidently hoped, that the prayers of the sultan would avert the evils which threatened the empire with ruin; and they libelled his administration when they discovered their mistake *N_279. The Germans pursued their career of victory; took Belgrade by assault, and penetrated into Bosnia, Ser-via, and Bulgaria†N_280. Soliman humbled himself so far as to send ambassadors to Vienna to sue for peace, but his proposals were rejected with disdain, or answered with arrogance‡N_281. In the mean time the king of France made {A.D.1689.} a diversion in his favour by invading the palatinate and engaging Germany in war, which not only interrupted the ambitious projects of the emperor, but favoured the {Ahmed the Second. A. D. 1690 -1694.} {Mustafa the Second. A. D. 1695 — 1703.} cxcvi efforts of the grand vizir, who restored a transient lustre to the Ottoman arms by the recovery of Nissa, Viddin, and Belgrade, and reanimated the nation by his wise and vigorous measures*N_282.

[[N_274* Rycaut, p. 217, says, that "Prince Eugene of Savoy, who served at the siege of Buda, was deaf to the cries of the conquered; for hearing that the town was entered, and unwilling to lose any part of the glory, or that his sword should appear dry and not coloured with the blood of his enemies, at the end of the action forsook his post and let loose his soldiers, crying out to give no quarter to the janizaries." M. Rollsset, in his military history of Prince Eugene, observes, on the contrary, " How worthy of ad-miration was it to see an officer but twenty-three years old, that is, at an age when men are all fire 4nd impetuosity, cry out like Czsar in the midst cf victory, parce civifau. ; and carry his esteem for valour so far as to respect it in his enemies," Certain, however, it is, that the conquered Turks, throughout the whole of this war,' expiated, under the'sword of the Christians, the cruelties of which their ancestors have been accused, " It was grievous " say. Rycaut, p. 312, " to see poor old men made prisoners, dragged by their beards ; and women, covered with blood and dirt drawn by the hairs of the head, and made the sport and pastime of military insolence."]]

[[N_275† See Rycaut, v. ii, p. 250, 265, 264, 270, 31S-327, Cantemir, p. 339, 340, 341. - Coxe, v. i, p. 1081-1085.]]

[[N_276* See Rycaut, v. ii, p. 251—256. Cantemir, 341—349. Motraye, t. i, p. 349, 350, 351.]]

[[N_277† See Rycaut, v. ii, p. 221, 222. Cantemir, p. 337, 346— 349.]]

[[N_278‡ See Cantemir, p. 375. Rycaut, v. ii, p. 293. " His deposed brother, Sultan Mahomet, who had always used much exercise, began, by an unaccustomed confinement, to be tainted with- the scurvy; his legs swelled and gave symptoms of the dropsy. Wherefore he sent to his brother, the present sultan, desiring that some physicians might be permitted to come to him for his cure. But grave Soliman returned him answer, that in case he should allow that, and he miscarry, the world would say that he was an occasion of his death ; so that in lieu of the phy sicians he would pray to God for him, and he who sent the" sickness could give him a cure.*' (Rycaut, v. ii, p. 261 )]]

[[N_279* See Cantemir, p. 355. Mignot, t. ii, p. 411. The people, on their part, abstained from the use of wine and from innocent indul-gences : but they did not discover, from theinefficacy of all these means, that the promises of heaven, even in a good cause, are ex-clusively contingent on the exercise of wisdom and courage.]]

[[N_280† See Rycaut, v. ii, p. 303. Cantemir, p. 359, 362.]]

[[N_281‡ See Cantemir, p. 355—357, 359, 360. Rycaut, v ii p. 292, 309, 312, 319, 329, 347, 53, 3S4. Mignot, t. iii p. 410.]]

[[N_282* See Rycaut, v. ii, p. 314, 316, 378, 382, 383. Cantemir,p. 360, 369 — 375. Mustafa Pashawas the third grand vizir of the illustrious house of Kioprili : he was slain in the battle of Salan-kanen in 1691. According to Marsigli (t, i, p. 28) he used to say, that all the sultans since Soliman the First, were fools or tyrants, that it was time to abolish the Ottoipan race, and to in-stitute another, which, says Marsigli very unintelligibly, is not lets foolish In the conduct of civil and military affairs.]]

Ahmed, the youngest son of the family of Sultan Ibrahim, succeeded to Soliman, whom he resembled in the mediocrity of his talents and in his zeal for religion†N_283; the events of his reign corresponded with the feebleness of his government, and excited even the contempt of his enemies.

[[N_283† Rycaut (v. ii, p. 398) says, that " Ahmed was lively, free, and jocund in his humour ; that he was both a poet and a musician, made verses and sang them." Cantemir says (p. 380), that he knew not how to return any other answer to what wai proposed to him but khoth, khosh, good, good.]]

Mustafa censured the inactivity of his fa-ther and his uncles, and took upon himself the conduct of the Hungarian war ; but he was no less deficient than his predecessors in those talents and acquirements which were cxcvii now become essential to the success of military operations. He witnessed, from the opposite bank of the river Theis, the defeat and the slaughter of his army at Zenta*N_284: and in a general congress of the belligerents, which was held at Carlovitz under the mediation of England and Holland, he afterwards confirmed the degradation of the Ottoman power by relinquishing Transilvania and al- cxcviii most the whole of Hungary and Sclavonia to the emperor, the Morea and some places in Dalmatia to the republic of Venice, Podolia and the fortress of Kaminiec to the Poles, and {A..D. 1698. } Azoff to the Russians *N_285.

[[N_284* See an account of the battle of Zenta in the military history of Prince Eugene, p. 29—42. See also in Marsigli's stato militare, cap. xxiii, t. ii, p. 119—131, an account of the principal military operations during the war of Hungary, which concludes with the following observation :—" Da tutta questa enume. razione di fatti d'arme seguiti fra 1'esercito Cesareo, ed Otto-manno molte volte comandato dull' istesso sultano, si e sempre veduta una grandissima confusione per mettersi in battaglia, un modo precipitoso, ed inordinate di attacare i Christiani, e non altra ritirata, che di una fuga infairse.—In fine felice quel generale, che comandara ad un esercito Cesareo anche la meta meno nu-meroso di quel de' Turehi, perche con la di lui fermezza, ed ordine, e di piu coll' abituazione fatta a quelli urli, ed a quell' aspetto per altro fiero di quelli attacchi coriciabola alia mano, sara sicuro delle vittorie attesa l'impossibilita ne Turehi di gua-dagnare mai una."

In ascribing the superiority which the Germans acquired over the Turks to the methodical process of their operations, and the mechanical precision of their manoeuvres, I am not unaware, that military genius may be cramped by a strict adherence to the formalities of service and the rules of art; and that intellect which has been improved by science and experience, is alone equal to combine and to direct the exertions of an army, to as to meet every possible emergency of war.]]

[[N_285* See in Rycaut, v. ii, p. 567—602, the treaties of peace made with the Germans, the Russians, the Poles, and the Venetians. See also Cantemir, p. 427.]]

A peace purchased with loss and dishonour, though it rescued the European portion of the empire from imminent destruction, brought no pledge of future safety, but rather inflamed the ambition, while it excited the contempt of the neighbouring potentates†N_286. The Ottoman cabinet prudently adopted a system of moderation, from a conviction that they must fail in any attempt to recover the ceded provinces by a cxcix renewal of the war *N_287. But the populace were no sooner relieved from the apprehension of immediate danger, than they were exasperated by the feeling of national disgrace, which was incensed into sedition, and led to the dethronement of the sultan†N_288.

[[N_286† The Polish ambassador made his public entry into Constantinople in April, 1700, and was escorted by 600 soldiers, many of whom wore coats of mail which had been stripped from the bodies of the spahis who were killed at the battle of Vienna, The ambassador and his suite were lodged in a palace which looked upon the Hippodrome; and, as a further insult to the Turks, either they, or the servants of the German ambassador, broke off and conveyed away, during a dark night in the month of June, the two remaining heads of the brazen serpentine monument, which the Christians imagined to be considered by the Turks as a talisman on which the safety of their metropolis depended. (See Motraye, t. i, p. 278).]]

[[N_287* See Cantemir, p. 429, sec. xcvi. The new vizir Dal-taban Mustafa was put to death by order of the sultan on an accusation, that he wished to excite the soldiers to demand the rupture of the peace. (See p. 431, sec. cvii, cviii.) Count Tekeli was banished to Nicomedia because, at the instigation of the French ambassador, he had suggested to the porte the possibility of recovering Hungary while the emperor was engaged with the French in the war for the Spanish succession. (See Motraye, t. i, p. 281, 282.) Even the insurrection which was actually excited in Hungary by Prince Ragotski, could not seduce the porte into a deviation from its system of neutrality. (See Motraye, t. i, p. 378. Coxe, v. i,p. 1139—1142, 1149, 1245—1250).]]

[[N_288† For the origin and progress of the rebellion against Sultan Mustafa, see Cantemir, p. 428, 432—438. Motraye, t. i, p. 323—334.]]

The conduct of the czar excited the first {Ahmed the Third. A. D. 1703-1730.} alarm. Peter Alexiovitz had abolished the antiquated institutions of his country, had introduced discipline and order into his armies, and assimilated his general government to that which prevailed among the states of Christendom. Scarcely had he ratified the treaty of Carlovitz when he infringed its implied conditions by building cc forts along the Don and the Dnieper for the purpose of annoying, rather than of restraining, the Tartars; and he announced a spirit of systematic hostility against the Ottoman power by fitting out a fleet of gal-lies on the sea of Azoff, and thus aspiring to the dominion of the Black Sea *N_289. Though the Turks observed with anxiety his continual encroachments both in Poland and on their own frontiers, yet they dissembled their fears and stifled their resentment, till at length they were precipitated into hostilities by the remonstrances of the Tartar khan, and of the king of Sweden, who, after the battle of Pultowa, had escaped into the dominions of the sultan, where he continued, during three years and a half, to perplex the Ottoman councils by his presence, and by his intrigues†N_290. The Russian army was commanded by the czar in person, who, however, acted ostensibly only as the lieutenant of General Czeremetoff. He advanced in- cci cautiously into Moldavia, where, after suffering severe losses, as well from the want of food and forage as from incessant skirmishes with the Tartars, he was surrounded, in an angle formed by the river Pruth, by the whole force of the Ottomans, and was saved from destruction, which seemed inevitable, only by the fortitude and the address of the czarina. The object of the war on the part of the Turks was to restore security to their northern frontier; and when the vizir had obtained the removal of establishments which gave umbrage or jealousy to the porte, he became indifferent to the interests or the animosities of the king of Sweden. He allowed the czar to purchase provisions for his army and to retreat unmolested to his dominions, on his engaging to evacuate Poland and to yield up Azotf, besides destroying his fleet and demolishing his fortresses on the confines of Tartary*N_291. { A.D. 1711.}

[[N_289* See Cantemir, p. 428, 429, Motraye, in the year 1699, observed the surprise and alarm which were occasioned at Constantinople by the arrival of the Russian envoy in a ship of war from Azoff.]]

[[N_290† See Voltaire, hist, de Charles xii, liv. 5. Motraye, t. i, p. 414—422, t. iijp. 1—3. Cantemir, p. 448—451. Coxe, T. ii, p. 60.]]

[[N_291* See Motraye, t. ii, p. 17—21, 23—28. Cantemir, p. 452, 453. Coxe, v. ii, p. 164.]]


Among the stipulations of the treaty of Carlovitz, that which most severely wounded the pride of the Ottomans, was the cession of territory to so inconsiderable a power as the state of Venice, which was unable even to support the defence of its conquests*N_292. The Turks were allured to attempt the recovery of the Morea, at a time when the forces and finances of the Austrians seemed to be so exhausted by the war in Flanders, which they had just concluded by the peace of Radstadt, as to prevent the active interference of the emperor in behalf of his late confederates. They concealed their design till they were prepared for the execution, when they over-ran the peninsula, and reduced the Venetian garrisons, in a short campaign†N_293.

Contrary to the expectation of the porte the emperor determined upon war, to which he was prompted no less by considerations of interest, than by motives of honour and resentment. He recruited his armies, of which he gave the command to Prince Eugene, cciii who confirmed the ascendancy of science and discipline by his brilliant and decisive victories at Petervaradin and Belgrade *N_294, which again forced the Ottomans to solicit peace through the mediation of England and Holland. The conferences were opened at Passarovitz, where the emperor, though he had taken up arms professedly in the cause of the Venetians, admitted as the basis of the treaty of peace, that the beNigerents should respectively retain possession of their conquests. Thus the dominion of the porte was again established over the whole of continental Greece, in exchange for the bannat of Temeswar and the territory and fortress of Belgrade, which were re-annexed to the kingdom of Hungary†N_295.

[[N_292* The Turkish plenipotentiary at the congress of Carlovitz, in an apologue which he adapted to the occasion, compared the conduct of the Venetian republic to that of a thief, who, while two wrestlers were engaged together, came upon them unob-served and contrived to carry away their clothes. " But," added he, "an opportunity may come when the republic shall find what difference there is between a lion and a fox." (See Cantemir, p. 426, note 35.)]]

[[N_293† See Mirsigli, t. ii, p. 198. Mignot, t. iv, p. 202—210.]]

[[N_294* For the battles of Petervaradin and Belgrade see the military history of Prince Eugene of Savoy, p. 110—134.

The loss of the battle of Petervaradin, in which the vizir was killed, led to the surrender of Temeswar and its dependencies, as that before Belgrade immediately occasioned the garrison to capitulate. " The garrison, by virtue of the third article of the capitulation, might have marched out in rank and file, drums beating, and colours flying, bat they did not value such punc- tilios. The soldiers were for the most part married, arid they bent their thoughts much more on securing their families and their effects, than on marching out in parade."]]

[[N_295† See Mignot, t. iv, p. 239—242. Coxe, v. i, p. 33.]]


{A. D. 1713.}

The Persian monarchy, which had been gradually declining since the death of Abbas the Great, was, at length, subverted by the Afghan Tartars, who rebelled against Shah Hussein, the last independent sovereign of the house of Sefi. Mahmud, their general, usurped the regal power, and by a series of assassinations, proscriptions, and civil wars, plunged this once flourishing kingdom into {A. D. 1722.} the deepest misery *N_296.

Tahmasp, one of the sons of Hussein, escaped, during the siege of Ispahan, to Tauris, and adopted, in the desperate situation of his affairs, the dangerous expedient of imploring military succour from the Russians and the Turks. The Afghans were Mussulmans of the Sunnite sect; and the ' porte was restrained by the religious prejudices of the Ottoman-people from opposing even the usurpation of true believers over a nation of heretics : but the czar of Russia undertook to drive out the rebels, in return for which he was to hold the cities of Der-bent and Baku, and some of the northern pro- ccv vinces*N_297. The distracted state of the Persian government did not, however, fail to excite the ambition and the cupidity of the sultan, who poured his troops into Georgia and Armenia, of which he endeavoured to secure the possession by the conquest of the principal cities†N_298; yet even these acquisitions did not allay the dissatisfaction which was occasioned by the settlement of the Russians in the adjoining territory. The porte protested against the alienation of dominion by a prince so precariously situated as Tahmasp, but was prevented from declaring war against Russia by the mediation of the French; ambassador, who even prevailed upon the cabinets of Constantinople and St. Petersburg to concur in a treaty for the partition of Persia, and the re-establishment of the house of Sefi over the remnant of the monarchy‡N_299. The contracting parties evinced fidelity to their engagements by extending their conquests as far as the limits which they had assigned to themselves ; but ccvi the Ottoman soldiery were averse from carrying the war into the dominion of a sovereign who was orthodox in his profession of faith, and, in compliance with their wishes, the sultan consented to a peace with Ashraf, successor of the usurper Mahmud, on the condition, that he should confirm the principal conquests of the Ottomans, and acknowledge the imameth, or his spiritual su- {A.D. 1727.} premacy*N_300. Persia was rescued both from the Afghans and the Ottomans by a Turc-man shepherd, named Nader, whose great and successful exploits, in defeating the rebels and reducing the revolted provinces, procured for him from the gratitude of the shah the title of Tahmasp Culi Khan, and extorted from his weakness the virtual exercise of the sovereign power†N_301. Nader displayed the talents of an able minister and an experienced general in the administration of the government and the conduct of war. He sent an embassy to Constantinople to reclaim the sovereignty of the Persian pror vinces which were occupied by the Turks, and on the refusal of Ahmed to restore them, ccvii he began the war anew by expelling the Ottoman forces from Tauris and the province of Aderbigian*N_302. Ahmed was dethroned by the populace of Constantinople, while he was collecting an army to oppose the progress of the Persians†N_303. The leaders of the insurgents were intoxicated with their success, and continued to harass the reign of Sultan Mahmud, his successor, till they were successively ensnared by his policy and punished with death‡N_304. Mahmud obtained { Mahmud. A. D. 1739-1754.} peace from the shah by resigning the con- quests which the Ottomans had made beyond the Aras, but Nader disavowed a treaty which left Armenia and Georgia to the porte§N_305. He even deposed the shah, his master, whose infant son he raised to the throne, though only as preparatory to his own elevation¦N_306; he made a treaty with the czarina, by which he regained possession of the provinces which had formerly been ceded to Russia*N_307, he then resumed the war against the Turks, and prosecuted it with so much vigour and success that, of all the conquests of their ancestors, he left them at the peace {A. D. 1737.} only the city and territory of Bagdad†N_308.

[[N_296* See Voltaire, chap, cxciii. Mignot, t. iv, p. 255—386. Modern Universal History, v. vi, chap. viii. Histoire de Nader Chah, introduction, sect, i—vi.]]

[[N_297* See Modem Universal Hist. v. vi, p. 73. Hist, de Nader Chah, intr. sec. vii.]]

[[N_298† See Modern Universal Hist. v. vi, p. 84. Hist. de Nader Chah, intr. sec. viii.]]

[[N_299‡ See Modern Universal Hist. v. vi, p. 77.]]

[[N_300* See Modern Universal Hist. v. vi, p. 85. Hist, de Nader Chah,vintr. sec. ix.]]

[[N_301† See Modern Universal Hist. v. vi, p. 85—87. Hist.de Nader Chah, p. 53,60, 63,64—66.]]

[[N_302* See Hist. de Nader Chah, p. 108, 111, 151, and chap xiii.]]

[[N_303† See Mignot, v. iv, p. 319—341. Hist. de Nader Chah, p. 120.]]

[[N_304‡ See Mignot, v. iv, p. 342—354.]]

[[N_305§ See Modern Universal Hist. v. vi, p. 90, 91. Hist. de Nader Chah, chap. xxiv.]]

[[N_306¦ See Modern Universal Hist. v. vi, p. 91—93. Hist. de Nader Chah, liv. iii, chap. i.]]


[[n_307* See Modern Universal Hist. v. vi, p. 92. Mignot, v. IT, p, 371, 386. Hist, de Nader Chah, p. 157. Tooke's View of the Russian Empire, v. ii, p. 447.]]

[[N_308† See Modern Universal Hist. v. vi, p. 95- Hist. de Nader Chah, liv, v. chap. ii. Mignot, .t. iv, p. 386.]]

Peace with Persia had probably been accelerated by the menacing attitude of Russia, for it was scarcely concluded before the czarina declared war against the Turks, on the alleged pretence of their having thwarted the designs of Peter the First against Persia, and having encouraged, or at least permitted, the inroads of the Tartars into the Ukraine. The publication of her manifesto was followed by the siege and capture of Azoff, and the invasion of the Crimea by a formidable Russian army‡N_309.

[[N_309‡ See Mignot, v. ir, p. 387,388. Coxe, v. ii, p. 164.]]

The Turks, though provoked by the aggression, were unwilling to enter into war, and even sought to prevent it by recurring to the mediation of the emperor of Germany. But the cabinet of Vienna was actuated by the same avidity of extending its dominion ccix as that of St. Petersburg. The emperor yielded to the solicitation, for the sake of abusing the confidence, of the porte, and even carried his perfidy so far as to appoint a congress, which was held at Nimerova, a town on the confines of Poland, while he marched his forces towards the frontiers of Turkey, and watched the opportunity of announcing, by actual hostilities, his co-operation in the schemes of conquest which he had projected jointly with the czarina*N_310.

[[N_310* See Mignot, t. iv, p. 389—395. Coxe, v. ii, p. 164, 1]]

Russia demanded the surrender of the extensive wastes which encompass the Crimea and are bounded by the Dniester and Cuban rivers, while the emperor claimed as the price of his good offices the cession of Bosnia, Wallachia, and Moldavia†N_311.

[[N_311†, See Coxe, v. ii, p. 198.]]

The finances, as well as the forces, of the emperor Charles the Sixth were considerably diminished by the war in which he had been engaged against France, Spain, and Sardinia, which was only just terminated‡N_312: but the ccx hope of wresting from Turkey an equivalent for his recent losses in Italy, stifled the suggestions of prudence, and rendered him regardless of the deficiency of his means for supporting the contest. His army in Hungary was thinned by disease and desertion, and according to the report of the commander who was sent to conduct the war, had been deprived by venality and peculation of every thing necessary to make it efficient. A circumstance, however, which argued a more radical defect in the sys-, tem of the Imperial government, was, that many of the generals themselves, notwithstanding the continuity of war in which the empire had been engaged, were found to be incapable of fulfilling the duties of their station*N_313. These evils, and the consequent disasters were ascribed to the injudicious interference of the council of war at Vienna, which was invested with the authority of regulating and controlling the military proceedings, though it was incapable of wise deliberation or prompt decision, on account of the want of knowledge and even of union among its members. The council, at the very opening of the campaign, counter- ccxi manded the plan of operations which had been concerted with the allies, and in consequence of its feeble measures and contradictory orders the Imperialists were uniformly unsuccessful in the conduct of the war, while the Turks derived encouragement from the faults of their enemies, and opposed firmness and vigour to their indecision and imbecility. They resumed the spirit as well as the prowess of their ancestors, and again conceived hopes of conquering Belgrade and extending their empire over the kingdom of Hungary *N_314.

[[N_312‡ The preliminaries were signed at Vienna on the third of October, 1735, but the signature of the definitive treaty of peace was protracted till the eighth of November 1738.]]

[[N_313* See Coxe, v. H, p. 166,167.]]

[[N_314* See Mignot, t. iv, p. 397. Coxe, v. ii, p. 169 note.]]

The Russians were indeed successful* in capturing Oczacow and Kilburn, but in the second year of the war their flotilla on the sea of Azoff was blockaded by a Turkish squadron, and was burned to prevent its falling into their power, while their armies were forced to evacuate the Crimea and were harassed by the Tartars on their retreat†N_315. The Austrians opened the war by marching with their main body to Nissa, a fortress at the extremity of Servia, but their army was wasted in the expedition ccxii by want and disease; they were forced to surrender Nissa almost immediately after occupying it, to raise the siege of Viddin, and finally to evacuate both Servia and Wallachia. The Ottomans, notwithstanding a defeat which they sustained at the beginning of the second campaign, took Orsova, and drove the Imperialists before them beyond Belgrade, which they invested and besieged in form. Their triumph was complete, for the German commander answered the summons of the vizir by a proposal to make the surrender of the fortress one of the conditions of peace between the two empires *N_316. The court of Vienna partook of the despondency of the army, and despatched an agent to the camp of the Ottomans with full powers to. conclude a peace through the mediation of the French ambassador at the porte; a skilful, but insidious negociator, who availed himself of the successive errors of the Austrian plenipotentiary to obtain for the Ottomans the cession of the whole of Servia, in which Belgrade is situated, together with the island and fortress of ccxiii Or-sova, and that part of Wallachia which borders on the bannat of Temeswar*N_317.

[[N_315† See Mignot, t. iv, p. 400, 401.]]

[[N_316* See Coxe, v. ii, p. 170—173, 177—179,185—188.]]

The czarina also was compelled by the secession of the emperor to concur in the treaty of Belgrade. The motive which had principally induced her to enter upon the war, was to efface the remembrance of the failure of Peter the First's expedition. She was therefore satisfied with having retrieved the military character of her nation, and stipulated without difficulty to restore Ocza-cow, to demolish the fortress, and abandon the territory, of Azoff, and to waive the privilege of navigating the Black Sea even for the purposes of commerce†N_318. The achieve- {A. D. 1749.} ments of her armies left however on the minds of the Ottomans so strong an impression of terror, that Sultan Mahmud did not even dare to show resentment at the open anfl continued infringement of the conditions of the treaty; and though Osman, his suc- {Osman the Third. A. D. 1754—1737.} cessor, remonstrated with some degree of firmness, he was easily prevailed upon to avoid a renewal of hostilities by accepting ccxiv the mediation of the English ambassador*N_319.

[[N_317* See Mignot, t. iv, p. 4^1—433. Coxe, v.ii, p. 188—201.]]

[[N_318† See Sir James Porter, Observations on the religion, law, government, and manners of the Turks, p. 250. Mignot, t. iv, p. 433—441. Coxe, v. ii, p. 197.]]

[[N_319* See Observations on the religion, &c. of the Turks, p. 250 —254.]]

Catherine the Second was scarcely seated on the throne of Russia before she developed to an alarming extent the schemes of ambition which her predecessors had planned. Throughout the whole of her reign she directed the measures of her government to the subversion of the Polish republic, and to the expulsion of the Ottomans from Europe.

Poland, owing to the vices of her constitution, and the disorders of her government, had already fallen from the high rank which she formerly held among the powers of the North. Every spark of disinterested patriotism was extinguished among the nobles, who were divided into factions which impeded the public business and frustrated the most salutary plans, while they became subservient to the ambitious views of foreign potentates, whom they assisted in subverting their national independence†N_320.

[[N_320† See Coxe, v. ii, p,492.]]

The predominance which Russia affected among the states of Europe and actually ccxv acquired in Poland, enabled the empress, on the death of Augustus the Third, to effect the exclusion of the house of Saxony from the sovereignty of the republic, and to secure the election for her favourite Count Po-niatowski, who was crowned king of Poland under the name of Stanislaus Augustus*N_321. In the meantime, notwithstanding her professions of regard for the rights and privileges of the Polish nation, she studiously fomented the internal disorders, which she converted into a pretext for over-running the provinces with her troops, and even for establishing a garrison in the neighbourhood of Warsaw†N_322.

[[N_321* See Coxe,v. ii, p. 494. Histoire de Pologne, t.ii, chap. 17. Life of Catherine the Second, v. ii, p. 1—5. i]]

[[N_322† See Histoire de Pologne, t. ii, p. 103—105. Life of Catherine the Second, v. ii, p. 22, 23.]]

The predominant religion of Poland was that of the church of Rome, and the Gather lies, by an abuse of power which seems inherent in every religious society, had enacted laws to exclude their countrymen, who adhered to the Greek or Protestant communions, from sitting in the national diet and from exercising public employment‡N_323. ccxvi {A. D. 1767.} At the instigation of the agents of Russia the dissidents, who confederated together under protection of the empress*N_324, petitioned for the repeal of the disqualifying laws, and for the re-establishment of their civil rights. England, Prussia, and, Denmark, in quality of guarantees of the treaty of .peace of Oliva, seconded the remonstrances of Russia†N_325, and urged the diet by their ambassadors to yield to., the demands of the dissidents‡N_326. Passion and prejudice ccxvii perhaps instigated the members of the diet to refuse justice in the first instance to their fellow-citizens, but reason and policy afterwards excited them to oppose so flagrant a violation of public law as the interference of foreign Bowers in behalf of factious subjects, however legitimate might be the motive of their discontent.

[[N_323‡ See Coxe, v. ii, p. 496. The act for excluding the dissidents from the diet was passed in the year 1733.]]

[[N_324* Catherine the Second was the first of the Russian sovereigns whose imperial title was acknowledged by all the powers of Europe.]]

[[N_325† It does not appear, that Mr. Coxe is correct in enumerating Russia among the mediating powers who guarantied the treaty of Oliva in the year 1660. The empress herself, in her declaration in behalf of the dissidents, appeals to a treaty made in 1686 for her right of interference.]]

[[N_326‡ Mr. Wroughton, the British Minister at Warsaw, delivered a declaration on the part of his Majesty " in favour of that oppressed part -of the Polish nation, known by the name of dissidents ;" in which he forcibly pointed out " the injustice and the impolicy of excluding the professors of Christian doctrines from honourable employments and from the means of serving their country;" and expressed the confident expectation of his Majesty, " that the wisdom of the nation assembled would consider the cause of the virtuous but unhappy dissidents as closely connected with the fundamental interests of the republic, and by re-establishing them in the possession of their rights and privileges, would provide a remedy for the evils which distracted the state."]]

The danger of their common country roused the Polish nobility to assert their independence, but the opposition of the diet was rendered ineffectual by the arbitrary proceedings of Repnin, the Russian ambassador, who, relying on the security which he derived from the proximity of an imposing-body of Russian troops, usurped an authority, beyond that which the sovereign dared to exert, by seizing the most obnoxious members, and sending them into Siberia*N_327. The impunity with which he cornmitted, and the arrogance with which he defended, this act of unprecedented violence, humbled the spirit of the assembly, and showed to the Polish people the extent of their disgrace and wretchedness. The diet crouched in abject servility to the power which they were no longer able to resist: they appointed a committee to confer with the Russian ambassador, and to accede to whatever he should propose respecting the adjustment of the contested points *N_328. The representatives of the other mediating powers sanctioned the tyrannical measures of their colleague by assisting at the conferences which he held with the national deputies. They even affixed their signatures to the treaty, and thus confirmed to the world the humiliation of an independent state by, exacting the adoption of laws which were dictated by a foreign power†N_329.

[[N_327* See Coxe, v. ii, p. 496. Life of Catherine the Second, v. ii, p. 24—26. Histoire de Pologne, t. ii, p. 186—189.]]


[[N_328* Mr. Coxe says (v. ii, p. 496), that " this committee was induced by bribes and threats to arrange a body of articles, which not only restored the privileges of the dissidents, but perpetuated the elective monarchy, the liberum veto, and the other abuses in the constitution."]]

[[N_329† See Life of Catherine the Second, v. ii, p. 27. Hist, de Pologne, t. ii, p. 190—192. " Ce traite portait aussi qu'il etait conclu entre l'impe'ratrice de Russie, les rois d'Angleterre, de Prusse, de Dannemarck et de Suede d'une part, et de l'autre le roi et la republique de Pologne."]]


The object of Russia was however accomplished, for Poland became the theatre of civil war ‡N_330. The dissidents, in order to screen themselves from the just indignation of their countrymen, petitioned the empress not to withdraw her forces from the territories of the republic*N_331, while the Catholics, on the other hand, formed themselves into armed confederacies for the defence of their civil and political liberties. But their cause was hopeless: the military force of the republic was unavailing on account of its defects, both in organization and in discipline: the resources of the state were weakened or perverted by the disunion or the anarchy of the citizens; and foreign assistance was implored in vain, while a hostile army was already established in the heart of the country. The desultory efforts of patriotic enthusiasm were unequal to sustain the regular attack of the Russian soldiery, who pursued a uniform course of victory through more than barbarian atrocities, and aggravated the horrors of war by indiscriminate carnage and oppression†N_332.

[[N_330‡ It is evident, that this was the object of Russia, since the empress afterwards " urged those very disorders and miseries in which she had contributed to plunge the unfortunate Poles, as the motive for her violation of the rights of nations." See Coxe, v. ii,: p. 503.]]

[[N_331* See Hist, de Pologne, t. ii, p. 196.]]

[[N_332† See Coxe, v. ii, p. 496, 497. Life of Catherine the Second, v. ii, p. 90, 91. Hist, de Fologne, t. ii, p. 197—199.]]

Amidst the indifference of the govern- ccxx ments of Europe to a course of proceedings so unjust in itself and so pregnant with future evils, the cabinet of Constantinople alone deserves the praise of foresight and magnanimity. The Porte remonstrated against the outrages and the usurpations which were committed in Poland in contravention to the treaty of the Pruth, and being further exasperated by a violation of the Ottoman territory, published a declaration of war against Russia*N_333. The Ottomans took up arms to vindicate the rights of independent nations. The purity of their motives was acknowledged not only by the Polish nation, but by the empress herself†N_334. Even their want of success en- ccxxi hances rather than diminishes the glory of their interposition, for they knew and they dreaded the enemy whose resentment they dared to provoke. But they took the field under all the disadvantages of their ancient military system, and the Russians consequently exhibited in every engagement the decisive superiority of modern tactics. The Turkish armies were routed, their fleets destroyed, their castles taken, their cities razed, and their provinces ravaged, by enemies, whose knowledge of war served only to increase its devastation, and whose thirst for slaughter was unabated by victory *N_335.

[[N_333* See the Turkish manifesto in the appendix to the Life of Catherine the Second, v. ii, p. 514, and in l'Histoire de Pologne, t. ii, p. 210.]]

[[N_334† " The conduct of the grand signer," (says Mr. Tooke, Life of Catherine the Second, v. ii, p. 93) " in regard to the transactions in Poland, was blameless and Irreproachable." He however considers it ridiculous that " the disciples of Mahomet should fight in a cause which bore the name of Christ." (See p. 28). Mr. Tooke's statement of facts is more valuable than his opinion, and he shows (p. 31. note), that the Ottoman cabinet was not bribed into a declaration of hostilities against Russia. The empress also confessed, in the treaty which she entered into with Austria and Prussia for the dismemberment of Poland, that the war was undertaken on the part of the Turks solely on account of her usurpations in that country. A still more honourable testimony of the good faith of the Turks was given by the confederacy of Bar, which deposited its manifesto in the hands of the sultan, and declared, that the safety of the republic depended entirely on the success of his generous efforts in their cause. (See Hist, de Pologne, t. ii, p. 248, 250, 305.)]]

[[N_335* A succinct account of the operations of this war is given in the Encyclopaedia Britannica, art. Turkey, which perhaps it may be gratifying to recapitulate. In the campaign of 1769, Azoff was taken: Chotin was invested, but the siege was raised. The Russians, however, took possession of it when the Turkish army, which was repulsed in ks attempts to pass the Dniester, retreated to Bender. They also reduced Moldavia as far as Yassy, the capital. In 1770 Romanzoff defeated an army of Tartars commanded by the than, near the Pruth, and an army of Turks commanded by the vizir, near the Danube. Kilia and Akkier-man capitulated. Bender was stormed. Ibra'il was abandoned by the Turkish garrison on its being invested by the Russians. A Russian fleet from the Baltic entered the Archipelago, and after an engagement with that of the Turks, obliged it to run into the harbour of Tcheshmeh, where it was entirely destroyed by fire-ships. In the year 1771 the rebellion excited by Pugat-chef, and the breaking out of the plague at Moscow, obliged the Russians to act only on the defensive. The Turks took the fortress of Girgiova, and beat the Russians in their attempt to dislodge them. They again became formidable in Wallachia, until RomanzofF, by a train of masterly dispositions, surprised and totally routed two considerable bodies of Turks on the right of the Danube, beat the vizir, and took the town and castle of Babadagh. General Essen retook Girgiova, and drove the Turks out of Wallachia, while the Russian fleet spread ruin throughout the islands of the Archipelago. The year 1772 was consumed in negociations, and in a desultory warfare along the banks of the Danube, which, as the Russian army could not easily be recruited, was generally advantageous to the Turks. In July. 1773, the Russian grand army crossed the river, but failed in the attempt against Silistria. The remainder of this campaign was less glorious than the preceding to the Russians. In 1774-, they again passed the Danube, and by defeating the Turks in every engagement, so intimidated them that they refused even to face their enemies. The vizir was at length hemmed in by RomanzofF at Shumla, where he was forced to accept of the terms of peace which were dictated to him by the Russian general, and to sign the treaty of Kainargik.]]



During the continuance of the Turkish war, the king of Prussia had occupied a considerable district of Poland, under pretence of forming lines to prevent the spreading of the plague, and he availed himself of the disposition which Austria had manifested of opposing the further progress of the Russian arms, in order to concert a plan for the dis- ccxxiii memberment of the Polish republic. The cabinets of Vienna and St. Petersburg were induced to acquiesce in this iniquitous measure,—of which the almost immediate consequence has been the humiliation of the partitioning powers, and the overthrow of all the Continental governments. In its first effects it was, however, beneficial to the Ottomans; for Catherine, with the view of quieting the apprehensions of the cabinet of Vienna, and detaching the empress-queen from the defensive alliance which she had formed with the Porte, consented to purchase her concurrence in the partition of Poland by restoring the principalities of Moldavia and Wallachia to the dominion of the sultan *N_336, while she detached the Crimea from his temporal sovereignty, under pretence of securing its independence : she, however, retained her conquests in European and Asiatic Tarttfry as far as the mouths of the Bogh and the Cuban, besides obtaining the navigation of the Black Sea, and the free passage of the Dardanelles for her merchant ships†N_337.

[[N_336* See Coxe, v. ii, p. 497—502.]]

[[N_337† See Coxe, v. ii, p. 509.]]


The principles, whether of morality or honour, which had hitherto restrained the more powerful members of the European confederacy from violating the common rights of independent nations, were forgotten in the shameless Injustice which the combined courts had exercised in their spoliation of the Polish territories. Their aggressions excited a general indignation among the people of Europe, but produced only fruitless remonstrances from the cabinets of London, Paris, Stockholm, and Copenhagen *N_338. ccxxv Thus was the political system of Europe virtually overturned from its foundation, and the balance of power, which had been considered as the safeguard of all the states of Christendom, was held up to the world as ideal or fallacious*N_339. A selfish ambition, wherever it could be avowed with safety, became the ruling principle of every government. The possession of power authorized the exertion of violence, and the success of an encroachment served at once to excite and to justify the commission of new enormities†N_340.

[[N_338* Mr. Tooke says (v. ii, p. 116), that " the powers of Europe might have maintained the treaties of which they were the guarantees; but they were so easily deceived, or so indifferent to the fate of other nations, that Catherine said to Prince Henry of Prussia ' I will frighten Turkey ; I will flatter'" (or rather I will bribe) "'England; do you take upon you to buy over Austria, that she may amuse France.'"—It would be foreign to my subject to enumerate the means which were employed, and the motives which were suggested, in order to reduce the Continental powers to such a humiliating silence; but ' Iliacos intra muros peccatur et extra,' and it would be uncandid to attempt to conceal the blame which justly attaches to England. . In her relations with Russia she seems to have acted only from sordid considerations. The hope of making a treaty of commerce, and the fear of losing it, have induced her, at different periods, either to cooperate with Russia in preparing the ruin of Poland, or to reject the overtures which were made by France in order to prevent the dismemberment of that country. We even see reason to suspect, that in 1787, when she involved the Ottoman empire in a contest which brought it to the brink of ruin, she was stimulated only by resentment against the empress of Russia on account of her refusal to renew her commercial engagements. (See Coxe, v. ii, p. 609. Life of Catherine the Second, v. iii, p. 808.) In honour to the public spirit, though not to the wisdom, of the English nation, it should however be recorded, that while the king of Prussia was employing the subsidy which he received from Great Britain in annihilating the republic of Poland, the people of England were raising subscriptions for the purpose of assisting the king and'the republic to maintain their independence.]]

[[N_339* Volney, who prostituted his talents in writing for hire a justification of the measures of Russia (see Considerations sur la guerre des Turcs, en 1788), expressly says, " Aujourd'hui l'Europe est divisee en trois ou quatre grands partis, dont les interets sont tellement compliques, qu'il est presqu' impossible d'etablir un equilibre." -—"II faut le reconnaitre, et il est plus dan-gereux de se le dissimuler, il n'y a plus d'equilibre en Europe."]]

[[N_340† Volney says, " L'on peut considerer le traite de 1774-" (that is, the treaty of peace of Kainargik) " comme l'avant-coureur de ce choc" (the war of 1787).]]


The infamy of the new doctrine prevented its immediate and open promulgation in Christendom, but its adaptation to the relative circumstances of the Ottoman empire was universally admitted *N_341. Hence it excited neither surprise nor reprobation when the empress of Russia abolished by her manifesto the nominal independence of the Crimea, and united it to her own dominions†N_342. The apathy of Europe encouraged the Imperial courts to re-establish their ancient connexion, and to extend their views to the conquest of the whole of Turkey. The plan for the seizure, though not for the ultimate appropriation, of the Ottoman territories, appears to have been arranged in the personal interviews of Joseph and Catherine during their journey to the Crimea ‡N_343. While, how- ccxxvii ever, they were concerting their measures, and carrying on their preparations for opening the campaign with an attack along the whole line of the Turkish frontier in Europe, the Turks themselves determined upon declaring war against Russia, in the hope of defeating the execution of designs which their good faith and moderation had been unable to prevent. It is uncertain whether they were instigated by England to adopt so precipitate a measure, or whether they were driven into it by the danger which kept on increasing every day, and necessitated all the preparations for war, while it left them exposed to all the disadvantages of peace *N_344.

[[N_341* " The emperor Joseph," says Mr. Coxe, v. ii,p. 614, " published a declaration of war, in which he did not even attempt to varnish his aggression with the slightest colour of equity: he did not charge the Turks with a single infraction of the peace."]]

[[N_342† See Coxe, v. ii, p. 593. See also the Russian manifesto in the appendix to the Life of Catherine the Second, v. iii, p. 471. " En effet," says M. de Volney, " qu'importe aux 6tats eloignes une revolution qui ne menace ni leur surete poli-tique, ni leur commerce ?"]]

[[N_343‡ See Volney, considerations sur la guerre des Turcs. Coxe, v. ii, p. 611, 612. Life of Catherine the Second, v. iii, p. 291—296. " Leurs majestes imperiales" (says the Prince de Lignein his letter from Baktcheserai in the Crimea, June 1, 1787) " se tatoient quelquefois sur les pauvres diables de Turcs. On jetoit quelques propos en se regardant. Comme amateur de la belle antiquite et d'un peu de nouveautes, je parlois de retablir les Grecs; Catherine, de faire renaitre les Lycurgues et les Solons. Moi, je parlois d'Alcibiade ; mais Joseph ii, qui etoit plus pour l'avenir que pour le passe, et pour le positif que pour la chimere, disoit:—Que diable faire de Constantinople ?"]]

[[N_344* The war was injudiciously declared on the 24-th of August 1787, at the end of the campaign, so that before the Turks could act, their enemies were prepared for resisting them.]]

Time alone had repaired whatever injuries the Ottomans had sustained in their recent struggles with the power of Russia, for the government had neither inquired into the ccxxviii cause, nor sought out the remedy, of their past defeats. Yet so great are the resources which the porte derives from the population and the wealth of its dominions, that it was able to support the unequal contest with both empires during four campaigns*N_345. While the Russians were diverted from a co-operation in the affairs of the campaign by an unexpected attack on the part of the Swedes, and the German forces were commanded by the emperor in person, the Turks beat them from the field and even pursued them {??? the ??? 1789-1797?} into the bannat†N_346: the confederates, how-ever, ultimately triumphed over the ill-concerted efforts of the Ottoman armies, but were prevented from accomplishing their final object by the insurrection in the Low Countries, and by disturbances in the hereditary dominions of the emperor, but more especially by the jealousy which the nations of Europe began to conceive on account of the increase of power which the two Imperial courts were on the point of acquiring ‡N_347. The emperor was ccxxix compelled by the intervention of England, Holland, and Prussia, to enter into an armistice, and finally to conclude a separate peace, with the porte, on the basis of reestablishing the territorial limits and the political relations which subsisted between the two empires before the war. The empress persevered in hostilities, and disregarded the threats of the mediating powers, whose efforts were indeed broken by the opposition of the people of England to the measures of government; at length, however, she yielded to their solicitations that she might accom- plish the final partition of Poland, and concluded a definitive treaty of peace with the porte at Yassy, by which she added to her dominions only the steppe, or desert, which lies between the Bogh and the Dniester *N_348.

[[N_345* " Pouvoit-on croire" (says the Prince de Ligne, in one of his letters from the camp before Oczacow), " que cet empire Musulman delabre eut pu mettre l'empire Russe dans le plus triste etat ?"]]

[[N_346† See Coxe, v. ii, p.616, 617.]]

[[N_347‡ See Coxe, v. ii,p. 624.]]

[[N_348* Mr. Tooke's calculation of the losses sustained by the belligerents in men and money, is rather curious than satisfactory. Austria, he says, lost 130,000 soldiers and spent 300 millions of florins; Russia lost 200,000 soldiers and spent 200 millions of rubles; while Turkey lost 330,000 soldiers and spent 250 millions of piastres. The history of the war is as follows. The main body of the Austrians was assembled on the banks of the Save, and that of the Russians on the Bogh, in order to open the campaign with the sieges of Belgrade and of Oczacow. The Russians accomplished their object, though not till the month of December; but the grand vizir, by advancing with his whole force against the Austrians, repulsed them with disgrace, and followed up his advantages bymaking anincursionintotheemperor's dominions. Chotin, however, surrendered, after a brave defence, to the division of the Imperial army which was commanded by Prince Cobourg; while Marshal Loudon, who was sent to command the army in Croatia, reduced Dubitza, Novi, and Gradiska. In 1789 the main army of the Turks, which had crossed the Danube at Ruschiuk, was defeated, with prodigious loss, at Fokshany and at Rimnik. Loudon again invested Belgrade, and forced the garrison to surrender. While the Austrian army took possession of Walla-chia, that of the Russians occupied Moldavia and Bessarabia, together with the fortresses of Bender, Akkierman, Kilia, and Isaczi. " By these conquests," says Mr. Coxe, v. iii, p. 624, " the allies became masters of the whole line of fortresses which covered the Turkish frontier,—and the three grand armies, originally separated by a vast extent of country, were rapidly converging to the same point." The reduction of Orsova* in April 1790, was, however, the only military event which took place after the death of Joseph the Second, for Leopold showed a desire for peace, and the transactions on the Prussi frontiers soon occasioned the conclusion of an armistice. The Russians Continued the war with cruelty at least equal to their success. They finished the campaign by the capture of Ismael and the mjirder of 30,000 Turkish prisoners. In 1791 they gained a signal and decisive victory over the Turks at Matchin, but as the empress, according to Mr. Tooke, now began to see, that her victories were ruinous, and might occasion the loss of the provinces which she possessed in Poland, she authorized Prince Repnin to sign preliminaries of peace with the grand vizir, which were soon followed by the definitive-treaty of Yassy.]]


The Ottomans endeavoured to keep aloof from the storm which was produced by the French revolution and convulsed the govern- ccxxx ments of Europe ; but the invasion of Egypt compelled them to depart from their system of neutrality. {1798} The French retained pos- ccxxxi session of that country during three years; and it was restored to the dominion of the porte only by the victories of the English. The circumstances which led to these memorable events are intimately blended with the general history of Europe; and the interest of the narrative could not be preserved without a review of the changes which had taken place among the Continental states, during a period of almost universal hostility. The plan of the present work forbids me to enter upon the subject, and further obliges me to pass over without notice the expeditions which were afterwards {A. D. 1807.} undertaken by the English themselves against Constantinople and Alexandria.

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