[Taken from A History of the Moghuls of Central Asia Being the Tarikh-i-Rashidi of Mirza Muhammad Haidar, Dughlat. Ed. N. Elias; tr. E. Denison Ross. 2nd ed. (London: Curzon, 1898)]

[The selections here are in the first instance those which provide descriptive material for the lands and cultures of the regions with which the author was intimately familiar. Although he is not always accurate, he offers some excellent eye-witness description of matters pertaining to geography, the regional economy, cities, and religion. His comments on the spread of Islam and in particular the role in it of the various Sufi orders are very valuable. His narrative is an extraordinary source for the clan politics of the region, but since sorting out such material is difficult at best and likely meaningless to most readers, I have deliberately excluded most of his discussion of wars and alliances. To the extent that such material remains, it seems necessary to provide the skeleton of a historical narrative within which to place his other remarks. For more on him and his work, see my separate introductory comments which also discuss the somewhat overlapping narrative written by his cousin and contemporary Babur.

To facilitate locating material in this text, I provide here a brief table of contents for some of the more important segments. Clicking on the table will take you to that segment; at the end of each there is a "button" that will bring you back to the "Contents."]

CONTENTS

I. Author's rationale for writing his history.
II. Tughluk Timur and his conversion to Islam.
III. The death of Tamerlane's son Jahangir.
IV. Muhammad Khan and the building of Tash Rabat.
V. The medicinal properties of kumys.
VI. The reign of Vais Khan.
VII. Amir Khudaidad and his pilgrimage to Mecca.
VIII. The struggles for control of Kashgar after the death of Vais Khan.
IX. Encomium to Said Khan.
X. Concerning Babur's early life.
XI. The evil ways of Mirza Aba Bakr; including the use of slave labor to excavate the treasures of the ancient cities of the Tarim Basin.
XII. An anecdote about the traditional hospitality of the Kazaks.
XIII. Ubaid Ullah, pious ruler of Bukhara.
XIV. Said Khan's decision to take back Kashgar from Aba Bakr.
XV. Description of Kashgar.
XVI. Said Khan's victory; the riches left by Aba Bakr.
XVII. Sufis and the "conversion" of Said Khan.
XVIII. The life of a revered Sufi teacher, Hazrat Makhdumi Nura.
XIX. Invasion of Tibet and its description.
XX. Tibetan Buddhism.
XXI. Description of Kashmir.
XXII. Religion in Kashmir: Conversion to Islam; pernicious Sufi sects.
XXIII. The difficult journey from Tibet to Badakhshan.

I. [The author's explanation as to why he wrote his history. I have combined here portions of his introduction and the concluding justification to Part I.]

...Let it not be concealed from the minds of the wise that the Koran, which is the greatest of the miracles of Muhammad, is divided into three sections. The first contains the declaration of the Unity of God; the second the statutes of the Holy Law of Muhammad, and the third historical matter, such as the lives of the Prophets. thus, we see, one third of this book...is intended to teach the history of past generations; and therein lies the clearest proof of the excellence of the science of history...most nations, nay, all the peoples of the world have studied it, and have collected and handed down traditions of their forefathers, of which they give ample proofs and upon which they rely.

For instance, the Turks, in their literary compositions and in their transaction of business, as well as in their ordinary intercourse, employ a speech based upon the traditions and chronicles of their ancestors...

What right have I, with my poor learning and my want of capacity, to attempt to make my style less reed flow upon the white [sheet] of literature?

My justification lies in the fact that I have, during my life, collected many authentic facts concerning those Moghul Khakans who were Musulmans, and have also myself played a part in their history. At the present time there is no one but myself who knows these traditions. Thus, if I did not make the attempt, it is probable that the memory of the Moghuls and their Khakans would be altogether lost.

The history of the Moghuls and their Khans can be of little interest to any but the Moghuls themselves, for they have now become the most remote and insignificant of tribes, whereas formerly they were, through the power and resolution of Chingiz Khan, the lords of the world. Chingiz Khan had four sons to whom he left the world, dividing the cultivated countries and deserts into four parts, and giving one quarter of the earth to each of these sons. Every mention in histories of the Ulus Arbaa, or "the four hordes," refers to these four divisions. The learned Mirza Ulugh Beg has written a history which he has called Ulus Arbaa. One of the "four hordes" is that of the Moghul, who are divided into two branches, the Moghul and the Chaghatai. But these two branches, on account of their mutual enmity, used to call each other by a special name, by way of depreciation. Thus the Chaghatai called the Moghul Jatah [=ne'er-do-wells], while the Moghul called the Chaghatai Karawanas [=?]. At the present date there are no Chaghatai left excepting the kings, who are the sons of Babur Padishah; and the place of the Chaghati is now occupied by some [other] civilised people. But of the Moghuls there are still about 30,000 in the neighbourhood of Turfan and Kashghar. Moghulistan has been seized by the Uzbeg and the Kirghiz. Although the Kirghiz belong to the tribe of Moghul they have, on account of their repeated rebellions against the Khakans, become separated from them. All the Moghuls have become Musulmans, but the Kirghiz are still infidels, and hence their hostility to the Moghuls. The Moghuls have become a most isolated and paltry people. No one but a Moghul could be interested in this history; but though fully recognising my lack of literary capacity, I have not shrunk from doing the best in my power.

...For three chief reasons, out of many, I have called this book the Tarikh-i-Rashidi:

1. It was Maulana Arshad-ud-Din who converted Tughluk Timur to Islam...2. although before the time of Tughluk Timur, Barak Khan and...Kabak Khan had become Musulmans, neither these Khakans nor the Mogul people had had a knowledge of the Rushd, or "True Road to Salvation,"...but a full knowledge of the Rushd fell to the lot of the enlightened Tughluk Timur and his happy people. And inasmuch as the beginning of this history will deal with this matter, the suitability of the title Rashidi is evident. 3. Since at the present date, Abdur Rashid, the last of the Moghul Khakans, is reigning, and since this book has been dedicated to, and written for, him, the reason for the title...is still more apparent....

It is the practice of authors to excuse themselves, and beg for pardon if they have made any mistakes or blunders in their work. But I will not make such apology as those who say:--"If there be any mistakes or blunders"--for I know that my book is full of mistakes from beginning to end. My object is not to extol my own merit, but simply to write a memoir, that the history of the Moghuls may not be entirely forgotten; and that if by chance, any of the Mogul Khakans should wish to know his genealogy, he shall be able to find it in this book.

Of those Moghuls who were not Musulmans, I have not mentioned more than the names; for an infidel, though he attain to the splendour of Janishid and Zobbak, is not worthy of having his life commemorated. This Ta'rikh-i-Rashidi was completed at the end of the month Zulhijja of the year 953 [February 1547] in the town of Kashmir (may God defend her from ruin and destruction) five years after I, Haidar Mirza son of Muhammad Kurkan, had ascended the throne. [Ü ]

II. [The author begins his detailed account of the Chagataids with Tughluk Timur (ca. 1330-1363), who was seven generations removed from Chingis Khan. At the point where his apparent father Isan bugha Khan died, there was a problem in identifying a Chingizid successor, given unusual circumstances of Tughluk Timur's birth. The young Tughluk Timur had to be brought back across the mountains to East Turkestan, where the "Moghulistan" he was to rule was had its capital at Aksu, not far from Kashgar.]

...As they neared Aksu, they fell in with a party of merchants, and while they were crossing a pass, the Khan [Tughluk Timur] fell down a fissure in the ice. Tash timur, at this, raised a loud cry for help, but he could make no one hear him, for the caravan had crossed the pass and had arrived at a halting ground. Tash timur went to one of the merchants, whose name was Begjik, and told him what had befallen the Khan; the merchant communicated this to some of his companions, and several of them set out with Tash Timur to the place where the Khan had disappeared. Begjik descended into the chasm and found the Khan uninjured, and then and there formed a friendly agreement with him. After that, by way of precaution, he said apologetically to the Khan: "If you go up first they will not pull me up at all; let me go first and they must perforce pull you up after.: Again, proferring many apologies, he called out to them to throw down the rope, which they did, and he went up first, and afterwards they pulled up the Khan. All then went on to Aksu. Amir bulaji raised Tughluk Timur to the rank of Khakan, and in course of time he ruled not only the whole of Moghulistan, but also much of the country of Chaghatai....

[Conversion narratives are among the most interesting sections of the Tarikh-i Rashidi. An account such as this one illustrates the fact that conversion to Islam in areas north and east of Transoxiana was still not universal. We might remember that it was only in the previous generation that Islam appears to have become widespread in the Golden Horde, under Khan Özbeg. We see here also the importance of local religious leaders, who most likely are Sufis. Among the interesting aspects of this story is the vivid, if undoubtedly somewhat embroidered, account it provides of how some of the towns in the Tarim basin came to be abandoned and buried by the sand.]

The Conversion of Tughluk Timur Khan to Islam

Maulana Khwaja Ahmad (may God sanctify his soul) was descended from Maulana Arshad-ud-Din. He was exceedingly pious and much esteemed and revered. He belonged to the sect of Khwajas (may God sanctify their spirits). For twenty years I was in his service, and worshipped at no other mosque than his. He led a retired life, devoting his time to religious contemplation, and he used to recite the traditions of his sect in a beautiful manner; so much so, that any stranger hearing him was sure to be much impressed.

From him I heard that it was written in the annals of his forefathers concerning Maulana Shuja-ud-Din Mahmud, the brother of Hafiz-ud-din, an elder of Bokhara (who was the last of the Mujtahids, for after the death of Hafiz-ud-Din there was never another Mujtahid), that during his interregnum, Chingiz Khan assembled the Imams of Bokhara, according to his custom, put Hafiz-ud-Din to death, and banished Maulana Shuja'ud-Din Mahmud to Karakorum. [The ancestors] of Maulana Khwaja Ahmad also were sent there. At the time of a disaster in Karakorum, their sons went to Lob Katak, which is one of the most important towns between Turfan and Khotan, and there they were held in much honour and esteem. I was told many particulars concerning all of them, but I have forgotten them for the most part. The last of the sons was called Shaikh Jama1-ud-Din, an austere man who dwelt in Katak.

On a certain Friday, after the prayers, he preached to the people and said: "I have already, on many occasions, preached to you and given you good counsel, but no one of you has listened to me. It has now been revealed to me that God has sent down a great calamity on this town. A divine ordinance permits me to escape and save myself from this disaster. This is the last sermon I shall preach to you. I take my leave of you, and remind you that our next meeting will be on the day of resurrection."

Having said this, the Shaikh came down from the pulpit. The Muazzin [crier to prayer] followed him and begged that he might be allowed to accompany him. The Shaikh said he might do so. When they had journeyed three farsa'khs they halted, and the Muazzin asked permission to return to the town to attend to some business, saying he would come back again immediately. As he was passing the mosque, he said to himself "For a last time, I will just go and call out the evening prayer." So he ascended the minaret and called the evening prayer. As he was doing so, he noticed that something was raining down from the sky; it was like snow, but dry. He finished his "call," and then stood praying for a while. Then he descended, but found that the door of the minaret was blocked, and he could not get out. So he again ascended and, looking round, discovered that it was raining sand, and to such a degree that the whole town was covered; after a little while he noticed that the ground was rising, and at last only a part of the minaret was left free. So, with fear and trembling, he threw himself from the tower on to the sand; and at midnight he rejoined the Shaikh, and told him his story. The Shaikh immediately set out on his road, saying: "It is better to keep at a distance from the wrath of God." They fled in great haste; and that city is, to this day, buried in sand. Sometimes a wind comes, and lays bare the minaret or the top of the dome. It often happens also, that a strong wind uncovers a house, and when any one enters it he finds everything in perfect order, though the master has become white bones. But no harm has come to the inanimate things.

In short, the Shaikh finally came to Bai Gu1 which is in the vicinity of Aksu. At that time Tughluk Timur Khan was in Aksu. When he had first been brought there he was sixteen years of age. He was eighteen when he first met the Shaikh, and he met him in the following way. The Khan had organised a hunting-party, and had promulgated an order that no one should absent himself from the hunt. It was, however, remarked that some persons were seated in a retired spot. The Khan sent to fetch these people, and they were seized, bound and brought before him, inasmuch as they had transgressed the commands of the Khan, and had not presented themselves at the hunt. The Khan asked them: "Why have you disobeyed my commands?" The Shaikh replied: "We are strangers, who have fled from the ruined town of Katak. We know nothing about the hunt nor the ordinances of the hunt, and therefore we have not transgressed your orders." So the Khan ordered his men to set the Tajik [here not necessarily an ethnic designation; perhaps meaning simply a sedentary Muslim] free. He was, at that time, feeding some dogs with swine's flesh, and he asked the Shaikh angrily: "Are you better than this dog, or is the dog better than you?" The Shaikh replied: "If I have faith I am better than this dog; but if I have no faith, this dog is better than I am." On hearing these words, the Khan retired and sent one of his men, saying: "Go and place that Tajik upon your own horse, with all due respect, and bring him here to me."

The Moghul went and led his horse before the Shaikh. The Shaikh noticing that the saddle was stained with blood (of pig) said: "I will go on foot." But the Moghul insisted that the order was that he should mount the horse. The Shaikh then spread a clean handkerchief over the saddle and mounted. When he arrived before the Khan, he noticed that this latter was standing alone in a retired spot, and there were traces of sorrow on his countenance. The Khan asked the Shaikh: "What is this thing that renders man, if he possess it, better than a dog?" The Shaikh replied: "Faith," and he explained to him what Faith was, and the duties of a Musulman. The Khan wept thereat, and said: "If I ever become Khan, and obtain absolute authority, you must, without fail, come to me, and I promise you I will become a Musulman." He then sent the Shaikh away with the utmost respect and reverence. Soon after this the Shaikh died. He left a son of the name of Arshad-ud-Din, who was exceedingly pious. His father once dreamed that he carried a lamp up to the top of a hill, and that its light illumined the whole of the east. After that, he met Tughluk Timur Khan in Aksu, and said what has been mentioned above. Having related this to his son, he charged him, saying: "Since I may die at any moment, let it be your care, when the young man becomes Khan, to remind him of his promise to become a Musulman; thus this blessing may come about through your mediation and, through you, the world may be illumined."

Having completed his injunctions to his son, the Shaikh died. Soon afterwards Tughluk Timur became Khan. When news of this reached Maulana Arshad-ud-Din, he left Aksu and proceeded to Moghulistan, where the Khan was ruling in great pomp and splendour. But all his efforts to obtain an interview with him, that he might execute his charge, were in vain. Every morning, however, he used to call out the prayers near to the Khan's tent. One morning the Khan said to one of his followers: "Somebody has been calling out like this for several mornings now; go and bring him here." The Maulana was in the middle of his call to prayer when the Moghul arrived, who, seizing him by the neck, dragged him before the Khan. The latter said to him : "Who are you that thus disturb my sleep every morning at an early hour ?" He replied: "I am the son of the man to whom, on a certain occasion, you made the promise to become a Musulman." And he proceeded to recount the above related story. The Khan then said: "You are welcome, and where is your father?" He replied: "My father is dead, but he entrusted this mission to me." The Khan rejoined: "Ever since I ascended the throne I have had it on my mind that I made that promise, but the person to whom I gave the pledge never came. Now you are welcome. What must I do?" On that morn the sun of bounty rose out of the east of divine favour, and effaced the dark night of Unbelief. Khidmat Maulana ordained ablution for the Khan, who, having declared his faith, became a Musulman. They then decided that for the propagation of Islam, they should interview the princes one by one, and it should be well for those who accepted the faith, but those who refused should he slain as heathens and idolaters.

On the following morning, the first to come up to be examined alone was Amir Tulik, who was my [i.e., the author's] great grand-uncle. When he entered the Khan's presence, he found him sitting with the Tajik, and he advanced and sat down with them also. Then the Khan began by asking, "Will you embrace Islam?" Amir Tulik burst into tears and said: "Three years ago I was converted by some holy men at Kashghar, and became a Musulman, but, from fear of you, I did not openly declare it." Thereupon the Khan rose up and embraced him; then the three sat down again together. In this manner they examined the princes one by one. All accepted Islam, till it came to the turn of Jaras, who refused, but suggested two conditions, one of which was: "I have a man named Sataghni Buka, if this Tajik can overthrow him I will become a Believer." The Khan and the Amirs cried out, "What absurd condition is this!" Khidmat Maulana, however, said: "It is well, let it be so. If I do not throw him, I will not require you to become a Musulmn." Jars then said to the Maulana: "I have seen this man lift up a two year old camel. He is an Infidel, and above the ordinary stature of men." Khidmat Maulana replied, "If it is God's wish that the Moghuls become honoured with the blessed state of Islam, He will doubtless give me sufficient power to overcome this man." The Khan and those who had become Musulmans were not pleased with these plans. However, a large crowd assembled, the Kafir was brought in, and he and Khidmat Maulana advanced towards one another. The Infidel, proud of his own strength, advanced with a conceited air. The Maulana looked very small and weak beside him. When they came to blows, the Maulana struck the Infidel full in the chest, and he fell senseless. After a little, he came to again, and having raised himself, fell again at the feet of the Maulana, crying out and uttering words of Belief. The people raised loud shouts of applause, and on that day 160,000 persons cut off the hair of their heads and became Musulmans. The Khan was circumcised, and the lights of Islam dispelled the shades of Unbelief. Islam was disseminated all through the country of Chaghatai Khan, and (thanks be to God) has continued fixed in it to the present time.

[The account then turns to the expeditions Tughluk Timur mounted into Transoxiana in the 1360s. It is possible that for a time he controlled territory as far as Samarkand, which soon would come under the control of Tamerlane. A war between Tamerlane and the usurper who succeeded Tughluk Timur in "Moghulistan" followed. During one of his campaigns, Timur's son Jahangir died; he was then buried in the family home of Kesh (Shahr-i Sabs).] [Ü ]

III. The Death of Prince Jahangir

Amir Timur having left Atakum, crossed the Sihun and arrived at his capital, Samarkand, where he found

[Verses]: The people wearing clothes of black and grey
And tears of sorrow streaming from their eyes.
And all had sprinkled dust upon their heads
And as a sign of mourning beat their breasts.
They came in haste to greet their lord the king,
Their heads they bared, and on their necks they hung
Black felt and sackcloth, thus they left the town
Filling the air with moans and lamentations.
What pity that Jahangir, just and good,
Should thus be carried off in early youth,
As is a flower by the cruel wind.

When Amir Timur heard these wailings he could no longer doubt but that his forebodings had been correct. The death of his son, which he now learned, caused the whole world for him to become black; his cheeks were continually wet with tears, and life became almost unbearable to him. The kingdom, which should have been overjoyed at the return of its mighty monarch, was become, instead, a place of desolation and mourning. The whole army, clothed in black and grey, sat down in mourning. The generals put dust upon their heads, and their eyes were filled with the blood of their hearts.

Though the Emperor was greatly overcome by grief at the loss of his son, his noble intelligence fully realised that this world is but transitory, and that every being must inevitably perish at some time--that we must "Verily all return unto God." These considerations brought healing to the wounds of his sorrow. He, moreover, instituted many pious works, and ordered alms to he distributed in the form of food to the poor and indigent. His son's body was carried to Kesh, where it was buried, and over the grave a beautiful building was raised. The prince was twenty years of age when he died. He left behind him two sons, one called Mirza Muhammad Sultan, by his wife Khanzadah, and the other, Mirza Pir Muhammad, by his wife Bakhtimulk Agha, daughter of Ilyis Yasuri. This second son was born forty days after his father's death, which happened in the year 777 of the Hajra [A.D. 1375-6], the year of the Crocodile (Lui) of the Tartar cycle.

When Prince Saifuddin [Timur's uncle] heard of this sad event, he became weary of life, and begged Amir Timur to allow him to retire to the Hijaz. [Ü ]

IV. [The usurper, Kamar-ud-din, was finally defeated and vanished; Tughluk Timur's only surviving son Khizir Khwaja Khan (d. 1399) succeeded to the throne in Moghulistan. Eventually the succession came to his third son, Muhammad.]

Muhammad Khan was a wealthy prince and a good Musulman. He persisted in following the road of justice and equity, and was so unremitting in his exertions, that during his blessed reign most of the tribes of the Moghuls became Musulmans.

It is well known what severe measures he had recourse to, in bringing the Moghuls to be believers in Islam. If, for instance, a Moghul did not wear a turban, a horseshoe nail was driven into his head: and treatment of this kind was common. (May God recompense him with good.)...

[Most people would identify the building described here with Tash Rabat, which indeed can be seen today in a valley that leads to Lake Chatyr Kol in the mountains of Kyrgyzstan not far from the Torugart Pass.]

Muhammad Khan built a Rabat on the northern side of the defile of Chadir Kul. In the construction of this building he employed stones of great size, the like of which are only to be seen in the temples of Kashmir. The Rabat contains an entrance hall 20 gaz [one gaz is about 30 inches]in height. When you enter by the main door, you turn to the right hand along a passage which measures 30 gaz. You then come to a dome which is about 20 gaz, and beautifully proportioned. There is a passage round the dome, and in the sides of it; and in the passage itself are beautiful cells. On the western side there is also a mosque 15 gaz in height, which has more than twenty doors. The whole building is of stone, and over the doors there are huge solid blocks of stone, which I thought very wonderful, before I had seen the temples in Kashmir.

In the time of Muhammad Khan, the learned Mirza Ulugh Beg was reigning [beginning in 1409] in Mavara-un-Nahr [Transoxiana] by the appointment of his father, Mirza Shah Rukh; he was the founder of the famous observatory and the author of the astronomical tables called Zij Kurkan. Mirza Shah Rukh was king of Khorasan and Irak...

[The throne in Moghulistan passed from Muhammad Khan to his son and then to the latter's nephew, Vais Khan (d. 1428 or 1429), the author's maternal grandfather. One of those who served Vais Khan was the author's paternal grandfather, Mir Sayyid Ali, who was one in a line of faithful servants of the rulers of Moghulistan.] [Ü ]

V. [On the medicinal powers of kumys (fermented mare's milk).]

At this time a certain Ahmad Mirza, one of the Timuri Mirzas of the line of Mirza Shah Rukh, having fled [from his own country] had come [to Moghuhstan]. He had [with him] a sister, for whom Amir Sayyid Ali conceived a great affection; so much so that Amir Khudaidad and others begged her to become Amir Sayyid Ali's wife. She, however, refused, saying: "I cannot stay in Moghulistan, but if he will accompany me to my own country, it can be arranged." She then immediately set out for her own country, accompanied by Amir Sayyid Ali. When she arrived at Andijan) Mirza Ulugh Beg dispatched a man to kill Ahmad Mirza, and himself married his sister, at the same time throwing Amir Sayyid Ali into prison at Samarkand, where he remained one year. Here he fell sick of dysentery, and when on the point of dying, Amir Ulugh Beg sent for the doctors, whose remedies, however, were all without effect. One day somebody brought some kumiz. The Mirza implored the doctors, saying: "As the medicines have done me no good, I should much like to try a little kumiz, for which I have a great craving." They at last agreed [to grant his request] as a desperate experiment, saying: "It will very likely give him strength." They then gave him as much kumiz as he wanted, and from that moment he began to show signs of recovery. On the following day they gave him some more, and he became perfectly well.

[Sayyid Ali eventually made his way back home, where he became involved in the ultimately successful rebellion by which Vais Khan, with Timurid support, seized the throne.] [Ü ]

VI. The Khanship of Vais Khan

When his turn came, Vais Khan showed himself to be religiously inclined ; he was moreover distinguished among his race for his bravery. Since he had forbidden the Moghuls to attack Musulmans, he made war against the infidel Kalmaks; and though he was frequently defeated by them, he persisted in hostilities against them, not wishing to relinquish the holy war [jahad]. He was twice taken prisoner by them. The first occasion was in a battle at a place called Ming Lak, where the Khan, having been seized, was led before Isan Taishi. This latter thought to himself: 'If he is really a descendant of Chingiz Khan, he will not do me obeisance, but will look upon me as an inferior." When the Khan was brought in, he dismounted (for he was on horseback) and [Isan Tishi advanced towards him with great respect. But the Khan turned away his face and did not raise his hands. Isan Taishi was then convinced, and treating the Khan with much honour, set him at liberty. The Khan, on being asked afterwards why he had not done obeisance [to Isan Taishi] replied: "If Isan Taishi had treated me in a lordly manner, I should, out of fear for my life, have approached him with reverence. But since he came towards me with bowed head, it occurred to me that the hour of my martyrdom had arrived; and it is not fitting for a Musulman to do homage to an infidel, or to countenauce his actions, therefore I did not salute him." It was the Khan's faithful observance of his religion that saved him from the abyss...

It is commonly reported that the Khan had sixty-one engagements with the Kalmaks: once only was he victorious; on every other occasion he was put to rout. (But God alone knows the truth.) I have frequently heard from Maulana Khwaja Ahmad that the Khan was a very powerful man, and that he used, every year, to go hunting wild camels in the country round Turfan, Tarim, Lob and Katak.... When he killed a camel he would skin it with his own hands, and take the wool to his mother Sultan Khatun; the Khatun would spin it and make it into shirts and breeches for him, which he wore with sumptuous robes outside. In Turfan water is very scarce, and it was the Khan himself who irrigated the land. He did not get his water from any stream, but having dug a deep well, drew from it a supply of water for irrigation. Khidmat Maulana told me the following story of his uncles, who used to say: "We have often seen the Khan, during the hot season, with the help of his slaves, drawing water from the well in pitchers, and pouring it himself over the land." His agriculture was carried out on such a small scale, that the produce of it never attained the value of an ass's load; but this served him for a yearly supply of food.

He was a disciple of Maulana Muhammad Kashani, who was a disciple of Hazrat Khwaja Hasan (may God perfume his tomb), and Khwaja Hasan was a disciple of Hazrat Kutb-i-Masnad Arshad Khwaja Bahauddin Nakhshband (may God bless his spirit). [The latter was the founder of one of the most important Sufi orders, the Nakhsbandis, who played a major role in the religion and politics of East Turkestan.] Being a king did not prevent Vais Khan from passing his time in such studies [as theology]. During the reign of this prosperous Khan, Amir Khudaidad went on a pilgrimage to Mekka. Moghul records state that Amir Khudaidad raised six Khans to the Khanship, "with his own hand.'' They were as follows --Khizir Khwaja Khan (whom we have mentioned), Sham-i-Jahan Khan, Nakhsh-i-Jahan Khan, Muhammad Khan, Shir Muhammad Khan, and lastly Vais Khan. [Ü ]

VII. Amir Khudaidad and His Journey to Mekka. 

I have already told the history of Amir Khudaidad in part; but in this chapter I have to relate the rest of his deeds and his death. All the Moghul traditions are agreed as to the country over which he was Amir. I remember hearing from my father (upon whom be the grace of God) and from my uncles (may the pardon of God be on them) that their father had 24,000 families under him. He was Amir before the year 765 of the Hajra [A.D. 1363-4] and he made his journey to Mekka before the year 850 of the Hajra [A.D. 1446-7]. He was Amir for ninety years. He exercised absolute power over the whole of Kashghar, Yarkand, Khotan, Aksu, Bai, and Kuchar. In spite, however, of all this, he was never a wealthy man, and during most of his life had not even a horse to ride. When travelling from place to place, the people of the country used to furnish him with a horse. And in the army it was just the same. He spent much of the revenue of his State in releasing and ransoming Musulman prisoners. In those days the Moghuls were constantly attacking Turkistan, Shash and Andijan, and carrying off Musulmans as prisoners. The Amir would buy these prisoners from the Moghuls, and supply them with provisions and transport to enable them to return home. He used also to provide them with tents, in which they had room to kneel down and say their prayers. In the performance of good actions such as these, and pious works, did the Amir pass his life.

There are also many miracles attributed to him. One of them, that was related to me by Khidmat Maulana Khwaja Ahmad, I will quote here. Khwaja Zahid of Kashghar was a great and pious man. Amir Khudaidad sent a person from Moghulistan to beg for one of Khwaja Zahid's handkerchiefs. The Khwaja's wife, however, thought that it was not fitting to send the Khwaja's handkerchief to a Moghul in Moghulistan, and that it would be a sin to do so. Therefore she sent one that was not the Khwaja's. When it was brought to the Amir, he, with much praise-giving, wiped his face therewith. But the next moment he returned it to the messenger, saying: "If this is, in truth, the handkerchief of the Khwaja, I have no need of it." So the messenger returned and gave it back to the wife of the Khwaja. At this she "was much astounded and told the Khwaja what had passed. Khwaja Zahid reproved his wife, saying: "The Amir is one of this sect; why did you act thus?" Thereupon the Khwaja sent his own handkerchief. When the messenger delivered it over to the Amir, he, having wiped his face with it, said: "Verily this is the kerchief of the Khwaja--and I have faith in the the Khwaja." Many miracles, such as this, are recorded of the Amir.

At last when the Amir reached the age of ninety-seven, he was possessed of a very strong desire to make the pilgrimage to Mekka. But in spite of much entreaty, Vais Khan refused his consent to this step. The Amir secretly sent to Mirza Ulugh Beg, saying: "If you will come, I will disable the Moghuls and deliver them into your hands." Now, as Mirza Ulugh Beg had suffered much annoyance from the Moghuls, and was continually engaged iii repressing them, he immediately mounted his horse and set out [for Moghulistan]. When he reached a famous town in Moghulistan called Chu, the Amir having deserted his own troops, joined Mirza Ulugh Beg; and, in consequence, the Moghuls were scattered in every direction. When the Amir met Mirza Ulugh Beg, he said to him: "I committed this act because I could not obtain leave to go to Mekka: this was my excuse for coming over to you, but now I don't see fit to go." They then left that place, the Mirza treating the Amir with all possible honour and respect.

When they reached Samarkand, Mirza Ulugh Beg said to Amir Khudaidad: "There is no one who knows so much about the Turah [Law Code] of Chingiz Khan as you do; I beg you to tell me all its regulations, as I have a great desire to know all about it." The Amir replied: "We have completely discarded the infamous Turah of Chingiz Khan, and have adopted the Shariet [or Muhammadan Law]. It, however, Mirza Ulugh Beg, in spite of his common sense and good judgment, approves the Turah of Chingiz Khan, I will teach it him, that he may adopt it and forsake the Shariat." The Mirza was much perturbed at these words, and did not learn the Turah.

In short, the Amir went to Mekka. When my father (God have mercy on him) went to Khorasan...he found there one of the generals of Sultan Husain Mirza, named Sultan Ali Barlas, who was a very old man, being nearly one hundred years of age. He had been held in great honour by the Mirza. My father questioned him concerning his ancestors and their times. He replied: "My father's name was Shah Husain Barlas. He was one of the Moghul Barlas, and a distinguished Mir. Amir Khudaidad traveled with him from Moghulisttin." When my father heard this story, he became greatly interested and begged [the Barlas] to narrate the whole history. The latter began: "I was quite a boy when Mir Khudaidad undertook his pilgrimage to Mekka, and my father accompanied him, for he was in the service of the Amir. We fled from Moghulistan and wandered from town to town, till we set out upon the journey to visit the holy town of Mekka; when we had been a few days on our return journey, the Amir asked where Medina was; they told him that Medina lay in a different direction. At this the Amir was much distressed, and said: 'I have come a great distance and suffered many privations; yet I have not made the tawaf [circuit] of the garden of the Prophet (may the peace and prayers of God be upon him); and it is a long journey home again.'

"He then gave all his servants and porters leave to return home with the caravan, sending with them many letters and messages for his children in Moghulistan. One of these letters has passed down from father to son into my possession, for it had always been carefully preserved in our family. In short, the Amir with his wife started for Medina, unencumbered, making an Arab go in front to guide them. My father sent me with him too, so I was of the Amir's party. After a long journey we arrived at Medina. The Amir made the tawaf of the garden of the Prophet (upon whom he the most excellent of prayers), and we passed the night in the house of a darvish. As night came on a great change manifested itself in the Amir. He called my father (i.e., Shah Husain Balas) and said to him: 'Read me the chapter called Ye-sin; when my father came to the verse 'Mislahum Bala," the Amir expired. We were all astounded at this occurrence. With the break of day, many of the nobles and people of Medina came to the house, asking: 'Did not some one die here last night?' and when we told them, they began to condole with us, and said: 'We have this night seen the Prophet in our sleep, and he said to us: a guest has come to me to-night; he had made a very bug journey to visit me, and he has died here during the night: bury him at the foot of the tomb of the Commander of the Faithful, Osman.' Then the Prophet drew a line with the end of his stick. As soon as we awoke, we went and found that a line had been drawn there. Happy the man who has been honoured with such a favour! The nobles of Medina buried the Amir at the feet of Osman, with great honour. On the following night the wife of the Amir died also, and she was buried near where her husband had been laid."

When Sultan Ali Barlas reached this point in his narrative, my father showed signs of great happiness; whereupon they questioned him as to the cause of his delight. My father replied: "This Amir Khudaidad was my grandfather." Sultan Ali Barlas immediately got up and having embraced my father, said: "What I have told you is true. But no news of the death of the Amir ever reached Moghulistan, for on our return journey we settled down for some time in Irak, and then in Khorasan, and no one brought the news into Moghulistan. Thanks be to God that I have been able to give this news to you, and tell you what a noble death Amir Khudaidad died."

Moghul tradition says that when Amir Khudaidad went to Mekka, his rank and titles were given, by Vais Khan, to the Amir's eldest son Mir Muhammad Shah. [Ü ]

VIII. [The narrative goes on to relate the "martyrdom" of Vais Khan who was shot in a case of mistaken identity during an attempt to defend his territory against an attack from Samarkand. The attacker from Samarkand was forced to hole up in Kashgar, from which he was ousted by a grandson of Amir Khudaidad. In response, an army sent by Ulugh Beg captured the latter, and took him back to Samarkand, "where they cut him in half." Although Ulugh Beg's governors now ruled in Andijan and Kashgar, eventually the family of the author, the Dughlat clan, managed to expel them from the latter.]

When the Amir [Sayyid Ali] advanced against Kashghar for the third year in succession, the people of that country addressed a complaint to Khwaja Sharif, saying: "We have lost the crops of two successive years; if we lose this year's crop too, there will be a famine in our country."

On the Amir's arrival in Kashghar, the people of that town, having bound Pir Muhammad Barlas [Ulugh Beg's governor], gave him up to the Amir. The Amir thereupon divested Pir Muhammad Barlas of his mantle of life, and entered the town of Kashghar, where he administered justice to the people. He governed the country during twenty~four years; and under him the State was so prosperous and happy, that be is talked of to this day. During all this time, the Amir paid so much attention to agriculture and the breeding of cattle and sheep, that when he died leaving three sons and two daughters, one of his sons, Muhammad Haidar Mirza, my grandfather, received as his share 180,000 sheep.

I once heard from Khwaja Fakhruddin, a merchant of. noble birth and pleasant of speech, that the Amir occupied himself with hunting during three mouths every winter. No one but soldiers were allowed to take part in the royal hunt. But as many soldiers as the Amir was able to provide for, used to join in the party, and during those three months, each one was supplied with meat and flour, which was distributed to them at the different halting-places. On some days as many as 5000 sheep were given out, together with a proportionate amount of flour and barley and hay. Some years, 3000 persons were in attendance on the Amir, and each one was given his provisions. The inhabitants of the different villages were always anxious for the Amir to come to stay in their village, and the hunting party, on its arrival, would make them participate in their own store of good things. Fakhruddin used to relate that on one occasion, when they had alighted in our village, which is Artuch [=Artush, just north of Kashgar in the foothills] the Amir's master of the hunt having brought some flour, gave it to a poor woman to bake, promising her, as a wage for her work, one of the six loaves, which were to be made from the flour he had supplied her with; but when the woman brought the loaves, he refused to give her one of them, saying: "I supplied the flour and the wood and the salt; what have you deserved of me?" At that moment the Amir happened to be passing by on horseback. He stopped and asked the woman what her trouble was: the woman laid her complaint before the Amir, who then questioned the master of the hunt. As this latter acknowledged the truth of the poor woman's story, the Amir said to him: "Why did you not bake your own bread, instead of troubling this woman?" The Amir then sent to a blacksmith's-shop for some pincers, and caused all the wretched man's teeth to be drawn from his head. I have repeated this tale as a proof of the Amir's justice. There are still existing in Kashghar, many sacred edifices and charitable institutions, which were founded by the Amir. During the twenty-four years of his government, many important events occurred, which shall hereafter be related in detail.

[Following here are details of the civil strife in the region, in which various local chiefs (amirs) attempted to take power or put their own khan on the throne. Some of the players were forced to flee from East Turkestan across into the Ferghana region, others to the region around Lake Issyk Kul. Yet others "wandered, in confusion and disorder, over the desert plains of Moghulistan." Battles occurred between the forces from Moghulistan and the Timurid ruler of Transoxiana, forcing the latter to postpone attacking Iraq. It was during this period that the Uzbeks coalesced into a power that would move south and eventually take Ferghana. The territories of Moghulistan settled into an east/west division, with the former controlled by the descendents of the younger son of Vais Khan and the latter the descendents of his eldest son Yunus Khan. Ultimately both branches of the family were defeated by the Uzbek ruler Shaibani Khan in 1502-1503. Unsuccessful efforts on the part of Babur to restore Mongol (Moghul) control ultimately forced him to abandon Ferghana for Afghanistan and then India.

For a time, one of Vais Khan's great grandsons, a son of Yunus Khan's, Said, had some success in developing a rather extensive state based in East Turkestan. His career connected with that of Babur's, with whom he had gone to Kabul to recoup his fortunes. Said Khan then scored a major victory near Andijan but was forced to flee east in the face of an Uzbek advance. There he managed to secure Kashgar in 1514. By 1522, he "subdued the whole of Moghulistan and the Kirghiz," he then moved south into Badakhshan (the eastern part of today's Tajikistan), and in 1532 invaded Tibet. The author was one of his military commanders in some of these campaigns, which took him down into Kashmir. It is of some interest to see the qualities he admired in his master Said Khan.] [Ü ]

IX. Concerning the Laudable Virtues and Rate Attainments of Sultan Said Khan

Sultan Said Khan was a noble, happy, and prosperous prince, and was adorned with acquirements and good qualities. He was nearly forty-eight years of age when he went to take up his abode in the dwellings of God's mercy. His conduct of life was irreproachable. His conversation was both graceful and eloquent, whether in Turki or in Persian, and when he showed favour to any one, he used to blush before speaking. He was always gay, open-hearted, generous and affectionate. For example, a certain Maksud Ali had struck the Khan in the left shoulder with an arrow, in some battle; [so severe was the wound] that the Khan suffered from it for two years and nearly died of it. During the time of his suffering, some men captured Maksud Ali, so that the Khan might wreak his vengeance upon him. But when he was brought before the Khan, he treated him kindly, and though he had only one garment by him, gave it him. He also took him into his own society, and made him his companion, saying: "I was vexed, but thou art welcome," and they continued good friends the rest of their lives. He performed many similar acts of generosity... His liberality reached a high degree of perfection. I was twenty-four years in his service. Such was his munificence that his household supplies were sometimes quite exhausted, and the royal larder was some days so empty, that he would go and take his meals in the haram. For the same reason his expenditure exceeded the revenue of the State.

He was also greatly distinguished for his bravery.... I never saw his equal as an archer, among all the Moghul, Uzbeg, or Chaghatai Ulus, either before or since. I have myself seen him shoot seven or eight arrows in succession, without missing his mark. When hunting deer, hares, or game birds, he would never fail to hit them with his arrow. And in the battles he fought against the Kirghiz and others in Moghulistan, he became celebrated for the way lie discharged his shafts into their midst. Generosity such as his I have seldom seen. On one occasion, an assassin came and sought to take his life, but not finding an opportunity, stole a horse from the Khan's stable and rode off. He was captured on the road, with the horse, and brought back. The prisoner said to the Khan: "I came on a mission, but could find no opportunity of carrying it out, so I said: I will take a horse from the Khan's stables, then I shall at any rate have done something." The Khan's men all wished to kill him, but the Khan said to me: "Hand him over to your servants that they may take care of him, and do with him whatever you tell them." When the people had dispersed the Khan said to me: "As a thank offering to God for having preserved me from that man, give him the horse he stole from me. Then tell your men to let him secretly out of the camp, so that when he returns to his fellows they may not look upon him with contempt. Thus the poor man will, in a measure, have executed his mission."

Further, I never saw a more accurate reader than the Khan. however faulty the orthography might be, he would read off verse or prose without hesitating, in such a way that listeners might suppose he knew it by heart. He wrote Naskh Talik [an elegant calligraphic hand] excellently, and his spelling in Turki and Persian was faultless. He also composed letters well in Turki: other people could only have composed them with great difficulty and application. I have rarely met with such power and capability in writing verse. He never said poems by heart, but in assemblies and social gatherings, if any collection of odes [divan] that was at hand was opened, and he was given any metre and rhyme, he would extemporise a poem. If he repeated a poem once or twice, everybody could remember it; but he was not pleased if any one made a copy of it.

I have remembered, and here reproduce, some of the extempore poems which the Khan recited in the assemblies. [Turki verses...]

I only once knew him make verses in Persian.

He performed on the 'ud [lute], and the sihtara[a three-stringed instrument], and the chartara [a four-stringed one], and the ghachcak [another stringed instrument], but best of all on the chartara. He had a sound knowledge of bone-cutting, and was skilled in making arrows.

At this date of 953 [i.e., 1546] Abdur Rashid, the most excellent son of Sultan Said Khan, is on the throne of the Khans, and I (your most despicable slave), Muhammad Haidar, have inscribed and adorned my history with his glorious name. This book, beginning with an account of Tughluk Timur Khan (who was the first among the Moghul Khakans to be converted to Islam), down to Sultan Yunus Khan, is compiled from oral tradition and contemporary accounts, when they have not been found contradictory. Conflicting traditions have been omitted, on account of their probable inaccuracy.

[In Part II, the author elaborates on the history of some of the important individuals involved in the events related in Part I, beginning with the early history of Babur.] [Ü ]

X. Birth and Parentage of Babar (Babur) Padishah: His Connection with the Moghuls; and His Early History

THERE existed anciently, between the Chaghatai and the Moghuls, a bitter enmity. Moreover, from the time of Amir Timur till that of Sultan Abu Said Mirza, some one of the race of Chaghatai Khan, son of Chingiz Khan, had always been placed on the royal throne, and was honoured with the title of King, in spite of the fact that he was [in reality] a prisoner, as one may gather from the royal mandates. When it came to the turn of Sultan Abu Said Mirza to reign, this king discarded the old custom; Yunus Khan was summoned from Shiraz, and was sent into Moghulistan to oppose his brother Isan Bugha Khan...

When Yunus Khan came to Moghulistan, he, after thirty years of hardship and suffering, got the upper hand of Isan Bugha Khan...

The noble mind of Yunus Khan was thus set at rest; Sultan Abu Said Mirza changed an old enemy into a new friend. Yunus Khan was desirous of making a return for his kindness, and [said to himself]: "Perhaps in the same way that he has changed an old enemy into a new friend, I will change a friend into a relation." To this end, he gave to the three sons of Mirza Sultan Abu Said (namely, Sultan Ahmad Mirza, Sultan Mahmud Mirza, and Omar Shaikli Mirza) three of his daughters in marriage...[the youngest, Kutluk Nigar Khanim, being Babur's mother].

As Farghana, the country of Omar Shaikh, was situated on the borders of Moghulistan, [Yunus Khan] became more intimate and friendly with him than with either of his brothers: indeed, the Khan made no distinction between him and his own children, and whenever they pleased they used to come and go between each other's countries and residences, demanding no ceremony, but being satisfied with whatever was at hand.

On the occasion of the birth of Babar Padishah [the son of Omar Shaikh], a messenger was sent to bear the good tidings to Yunus Khan, who came from Moghulistan and spent some time with [Omar Shaikh]. When the child's head was shaved, everyone gave feasts and entertainments. Never were two kings known to be on such terms of intimacy as were Yunus Khan and Omar Shaikh Mirza. In short, the Padishah was born on the 6th of Moharram of the year 888 [=1483]. Maulana Munir Marghinani, one of the Ulamas of Ulugh Beg Mirza, discovered the date in the [numerical value of the letters] of Shash Moharram. They begged his Holiness to choose a name for the child, and he blessed him with the name of Zahir-ud-Din Muhammad.

At that time the Chaghatai were very rude and uncultured, and not refined as they are now; thus they found Zahir-ud-Din Muhammad difficult to pronounce, and for this reason gave him the name of Babar. In the public prayers [khutba] and in royal mandates he is always styled 'Zahir-ud-Din Babar Muhammad,' but he is best known by the name of Babar Padishah. His genealogy [is as follows]....[great-great-great grand-]son of Amir Timur Kurkan. And on the mother's side... [a lineage going back to Tughluk Timur Khan]. This prince was adorned with various virtues, and clad with numberless good qualities, above all of which bravery and humanity had the ascendant. In the composition of Turki poetry he was second only to Amir Ali Shir [Nawa'i]. He has written a Divan, in the purest and most lucid Turki. He invented a style of verse called "Mubaiyan," and was the author of a most useful treatise on Jurisprudence, which has been adopted generally. He also wrote a tract on Turki Prosody, superior in elegance to any other, and put into verse the Rasala-i-Validiyyah of his Holiness. Then there is his Vakai [i.e., his "Memoirs"] or Turki History, which is written in a simple, unaffected, and yet very pure style. (Some of the stories from that work will be reproduced here.) He excelled in music and other arts. In fact, no one in his family before him ever possessed such talents as his. Nor did any of his race ever perform such wonderful exploits, or experience such strange adventures, as did he. He was twelve years of age when his father, Omar Shaikh Mirza, died. In his Vakai, which, though in Turki, is written in very elegant and florid style, he says: "On Monday, the 4th of Ramazan, Omar Shaikh Mirza, having flown from the top of the precipice with his pigeon and his pigeon-house, became a falcon, at the age of thirty-nine." This occurred in the year 899, and after his father's death Babar Padishah was raised to the throne, being, at that time, twelve years of age. There was so much dissension between Baisanghar Mirza and Sultan Ali Mirza (the sons of Sultan Mahmud, son of Sultan Abu Said), that neither of them had strength enough to protect Samarkand. When information of this [state of affairs] reached Andijan, the Emperor set out to attack Samarkand. Although the Mirzas had become very weak, they offered him stout resistance; but finally, Baisanghar having no power left, abandoned the town and fled towards Hisar, where he was put to death by Khusrau Shah.... The Emperor took Samarkand, and quartered in it as many of the troops of Andijan as was possible, while the rest returned to Andijan, some with his permission, some without.

On the arrival of Tanibal..., he, in conjunction with some other Amirs, set Jahangir Mirza, younger brother of the Emperor, upon the throne.

The Chief Judge [Kazi] of Andijan, a very pious and religious man, who had done everything in his power to forward the Emperor's interests, was wantonly put to death. A short time before the murder of the Kazi, the adherents of the Emperor had strengthened and defended the fort of Andijan, and bad sent letters of entreaty [to the Emperor], representing that if he did not come quickly, Andijan would fall, and that after it Samarkand would also succumb. On receiving these letters, the Emperor left Samarkand, and set out for Andijan. On reaching Khojand, however, news was brought him that the enemy had won the day. The Emperor, having left one place, and lost the other, was greatly perplexed, and betook himself to his uncle, Sultan Mahmud Khan.

The Emperor's mother, and her mother, Isan Daulat Begum, went to their son and sister. This sister was my mother. On this account the Emperor, also, stayed in our country. His hosts exerted themselves to the utmost on his behalf, and after many severe hardships, after many victories and defeats, the Emperor once more became ruler of Samarkand. He fought many battles with rival claimants for Samarkand, and experienced both victory and defeat. At length he was besieged, and when all his power of resistance had gone, he gave his sister, Khanzada Begum, to Shahi Beg Khan, and making some kind of treaty, left Samarkand, which thus fell again into the hands of Shahi Beg Khan. It would be very tedious were I to relate all the details; however, to be brief, the Emperor [again] repaired to his uncle. Having given up all idea of [regaining] Samarkand, he determined to secure Andijan. The Khans also, having bound the girdle of endeavour round the waist of fatherly love, exerted themselves to the utmost to take Andijan, that they might give it to the Emperor, with the result which has been mentioned above. After the last battle, in which the Khans fell into the hands of Shahi Beg Khan, the Emperor fled to the hills on the south of the country of Farghana, where he underwent many hardships and innumerable misfortunes. Moreover, his mother was with him, as were also most of his servants, together with the family and children. In that journey (and verily, as the Prophet himself said, "Travelling is a foretaste of Hell") they all suffered great hardships....

[Fortunes changed.]

The Emperor, in one night, became master of 20,000 men, together with great Amirs, such as Baki Chaghaniani, Sultan Ahmad Karaul, Baki Nila Furush and others, who took office under him. Having made the necessary preparations] they set out against Kabul ...[and took it] From that date, 909, to the present date, 948, Kabul has remained in the hands of the Emperor and his descendants....

[The narrative moves on to a discussion of the history of Said Khan's rule in Andijan, before he was forced to flee to Babur in Kabul (see above). The account relates how he fell into the hands of the local governor Khwaja Ali Bahadur, who wished to execute him but was told by his suzerain, Jani Beg sultan, that he should not. When instead he expelled Said Khan, accompanying the latter were selected local notables, whose identities give us an interesting cross section of the Andijan elite. As the account proceeds to describe Babur's triumphant return to Samarkand, it is very revealing about local attitudes concerning the impact of the Sunni/Shi'ite division in the Muslim world.]

He [Khwaja Ali Bahadur] kept the Khan with him some days, while he selected for him some distinguished and trusty persons. The first among them was Maulana Khaliki, a talented, good, and studious man; he wrote the Naskh-Taalik perfectly, and composed good poetry; he was also a proficient musician. Another of them was Khwaja Salih, who was the leading merchant in the province of Andijin, and was known by every one he met on the road, while people often appealed to him for advice in their affairs. A third was Maulana Yusuf Kashghari, who was an accountant, much esteemed in Andijan for his judgment. Another was Gadai Pin, a professional courtier and a skilled musician. Another was Mir Ahmad, one of the Andijn Turks; he had travelled much and knew all the best routes. Another was Jalal, a very serviceable man. Having given him these few men as an escort, he started the Khan off a second time.

Khwaja Salih and Maulana Yusuf were dressed like merchants, Maulana Khaliki, Darvish Pin and the Khan were in the guise of students, and looked very like kalandars. Mir Ahmad and Jalal passed as servants of the merchants. Thus attired, they set forth and reached Kala-i-Zafar in perfect peace and safety. Here they found Mirza Khan, who received and entertained them as well as his straitened circumstances would allow. They remained there eighteen days....

On reaching Kabul, the Khan was welcomed with the utmost respect and honour by the Emperor...[and] remained in Kabul as the companion and confidant of the Emperor. There existed between these two great princes perfect accord and love and trust. The Khan's visit lasted from Shaban 914 to Ramazan 916 [i.e., November 1508 to December 1510].

.....

After the Khan had been dispatched to [return to] Andijan, Mirza Khan arrived with the auxiliary force which had been sent by [Safavi] Shah Ismail, and thus the power of the Emperor became complete. Then, without delay, his Majesty marched for the country of Hisar...[where he gained a major victory over the Shaibanid Uzbek army].

When the Uzbeg Sultans who were assembled in Samarkand heard this news, they were suddenly filled with terror and fled, scattered and dismayed, to different parts of Turkistan.

Now when the Emperor arrived in Bokhara, he sent back the auxiliaries of Shah Ismail, after praising them for their services and bestowing upon them adequate rewards, while he himself' victorious and covered with glory, proceeded to Samarkand. All the inhabitants of the towns of Mavara-un-Nahr, high and low, nobles and poor men, grandees and artizans, princes and peasants--alike testified their joy at the advent of the Emperor. He was received by the nobles, while the other classes were busy with the decoration of the town. The streets and the bazaars were draped with cloth and gold brocades, and drawings and pictures were hung up on every side. The Emperor entered the city in the middle of the month of Rajab in the year 917, in the midst of such pomp and splendour as no one has ever seen or heard of, before or since. The angels cried aloud: "Enter with peace," and the people exclaimed: "Praise be to God, Lord of the Universe." The people of Mavara-un-Nahr, especially the inhabitants of Samarkand, had for years been longing for him to come, that the shadow of his protection might be cast upon them. Although, in the hour of necessity, the Emperor had clothed himself in the garments of the Kizilbash (which was pure heresy, nay almost unbelief [his allies, the Safavis, were Shi'ites]), they sincerely hoped, when he mounted the throne of Samarkand (the throne of the Law of the Prophet) and placed on his head the diadem of the holy Sunna of Muhammad, that he would remove from it the crown of royalty [Shahi], whose nature was heresy and whose form was as the tail of an ass.

But the hopes of the people of Samarkand were not realised. For, as yet, the Emperor did not feel able to dispense with the aid and support of Shah Ismail; nor did he consider himself sufficiently strong to cope single-handed with the Uzbeg; hence he appeared to overlook the gross errors of the Kizilbash. On this account, the people of Mavara-un-Nahr ceased to feel that intense longing for the Emperor which they had entertained while he was absent--their regard for him was at an end. It was thus that the Emperor began [already] to flatter the Turkomans, and associate himself with them. [Ü ]

XI. [This section introduces one of the author's least favorite individuals, Mirza Aba Bakr, who was a grandson of Amir Sayyid Ali, the author's great-grandfather, and the cousin of the author's father. By Mongol tradition, when Mirza Aba Bakr's father died, the widow, his mother, married her brother-in-law--that is, Muhammad Haidar Mirza, the author's father, who simultaneously succeeded to the throne in Kashgar. Mirza Aba Bakr then turned on his new father-in-law and drove him out of Kashgar, where he managed to rule "exercising always absolute authority" for nearly half a century. He extended his territories into Tibet and Kashmir, conquered much of Badakhshan and attacked the Uzbeks in Ferghana.]

...My object in relating the prowess and valour of Mirza Aba Bakr, and the extent of his conquests, is to show what a great warrior Sultan Said Khan was, to have defeated such a man, as he did, at the battle of Tutluk.

The Evil Deeds and Wicked Ways of Mirza Aba Bakr

One of the obligations I have imposed on myself in writing this Epitome is, that what I have heard from other people and on good authority, I would briefly rehearse, when it was of importance; but what I have not witnessed myself, I would not dwell on too long, for fear of exaggeration, which I desire to avoid. But what I have witnessed or taken part in, that I have written as personal experience. I have divided the strange life, the evil deeds, and the depraved conduct of Mirza Aba Bakr into three sections. Firstly, what I have heard from others and from trust worthy reports: this I have stated briefly; secondly, what I have myself seen or heard [directly], but which I could not bring myself to relate; and thirdly, what I have myself witnessed, and have written down in this Epitome. But this is only as one in a thousand incidents--a little out of many--a long story cut short.

Heaven forbid that any reader of these pages should accuse me of exaggeration or of slander. If I had deemed it permissible to depass the limits [of truth] in any way, I should not have said anything about Mirza Aba Bakr, for he was my uncle. But if I were to omit his history, all other facts connected with him would be obscure and incomprehensible. It is my duty both to shun exaggeration and to avoid omissions. The truth is that for more than forty years Mirza Aba Bakr ruled supreme. Towards the end of his life, the spirit of tyranny so mastered his nature, that if an offence was committed against him, though the offender might not be liable to any sentence according to the law, yet his evil heart was not satisfied with killing him once, but desired the death of the sinless sinner, a thousand times over.

If any one had, in the slightest degree, opposed him, and he only heard of it ten years after, he was sure to punish, not only the offender, but likewise his children, relations, connections, and dependants. On this account, his subjects grew so submissive to his government, that nobody dared dream of acting contrary to his orders. When he had brought his authority to the point of complete supremacy in all things, he made such a collection of wealth, in treasure, property, mules and cattle, as surpasses all reckoning.

[It is clear from the following that Aurel Stein and other Europeans were far from the first to excavate in the ruins of the ancient cities around the Tarim Basin.]

He used to set culprits to work, involving difficulty which was proportionate to the gravity of their offence; he arranged for the separate employment of men and women, but he got some work out of everybody. [For instance] he ordered the old cities [known as] Kazik to be excavated by these [prisoners], and the earth dug from them to be washed. If there were anything big, they would come upon it in digging, while anything small [such as gems] they would find when they washed [the earth]. In this way, innumerable treasures in precious stones, gold and silver, were discovered. I have heard some of his confidants say that a treasure was found in the citadel of Khotan. There were twenty-seven jars of such a size that a man, with a quiver on, could get inside them, without stooping or bending [and without touching it on any side]. Inside each of these jars was a copper ewer. One of these ewers fell into my possession. It is a sort of flask with a long narrow neck, to which is fixed a rough iron handle. In the centre of the ewer is a copper spout, the nose of which is on a level with the mouth of the ewer. The height of it is, at a guess, over one and a half gaz. When filled with water, two persons had great difficulty in lifting it, and they could not carry it from one place to another. Inside each of the jars was placed one of these ewers, filled with gold dust, and outside [the ewers] the space was filled with balish of silver. In historical works, such as the Jahan-Kushai, the Jami-ut-Tavirikh, and others, a balish is thus described: "A balish is 500 mithkal [of silver], made into a long brick with a depression in the middle." I had [at that time] only heard the name [and had never seen one myself, but had read the description in these books]. These balish had been placed outside the ewers, but inside the jars. Many of them were brought, just as they were, to the treasury, which fell into tbe hands of the Khan's army [when Sultan Said Khan conquered Yarkand]. I myself possessed some of them. Thus [subsequently] I saw the balish [and found them correspond to the description I had seen in books].

One of the most singular things that I heard from those who had worked at the Kazik was this : In every one of the ewers was a letter written in Turki, which read : ["This treasure was prepared for the expenses of the ceremony of circumcision of the son of the Khatun called Khamar."] But no one could discover who this Khamar Khatun was, nor when she had lived, nor how. How strange that in spite of witnessing such examples, man is not restrained in his lusts, desires, and vain fancies!

After the discovery of this treasure, Mirza Aba Bakr urged forward the men employed at the Kazik, to work with greater diligence and care than before, and several other treasures were brought to light in the old cities of Kashghar, Yarkand, and Khotan. The mode of operations at the Kazik was as follows: eighteen or twenty prisoners, more or less, were secured together by a chain running from one to the other, at their backs, through a collar fastened round the neck of each. In their hands they carried spades. They laboured both summer and winter. [During the day they worked] and at night they were put into a prison. If the prisoner's offence was very grave, neither friends, relations, nor strangers were allowed to speak to him or give him anything. So that not even one of the same gang [chain] as himself was able to tell him a story. There was an overseer to every gang, and over every eighteen of the overseers was another person, and there was one man at the head of the whole of the Kazik. If any one of these overseers, whether superior or inferior, in the slightest degree neglected his duty with regard to the convicts, as in flogging, commanding, urging them on, or throwing them into prison, and the like, he was himself consigned to a gang of convicts. Moreover, such was the strictness of discipline, that the overseers never dared to show any leniency. In fact, they could never speak a word, except officially. Those who were confined for lesser offences, were allowed to see a relation or friend once a week; and in like manner, there were many different gradations for individual cases, from which [favours], however, not the slightest deviation, in the way of enhancement, could be made, without authorisation. [Separate] work was found for the men and the women. ... [Ü ]

XII. [The author returns to campaigns in which he participated under Sultan Said Khan. the following passage is of interest regarding traditional culture of the Turkic peoples.]

...[The Khan] proceeded to Akhsi, and having put the various forts of the province of Farghana into a state of defence, he turned towards the Kazak, his object being to make them attack Tashkand a second time. I did not accompany that expedition; being indisposed, I stayed behind. The Khan advanced [in the direction of the Kazak] till he came to a well-known town in Moghulistan called Jud. At that date Kasim Khan was nearer seventy than sixty years of age; while the Khan [Said], being still under thirty, was in the full vigour of youth. Kasim Khan begged, on the plea of old age, to be excused from coming out [in istikbal] to receive the Khan. He commanded all his Sultans to go and kneel before the Khan, and receive him. Some of these Sultans were fifty and sixty years old; such as Janish Khan, Sabash Khan, Mumash Khan, Jan Haidar Sultan, Karish Khan, and others to the number of thirty or forty--all Sultans of the race of Juji. When Sabash Khan and Janish Khan (who were very old) bowed, the Khan rose up, but when the others bowed he remained seated. Then Kasim Khan advanced with a courtesy which the Khan, to the end of his life, never forgot. Whenever he was spoken of, the Khan used to say that Kasim Khan was a most upright and worthy man, and would then relate the circumstances of their friendship.

On meeting, Kasim Khan approached and said: "We are men of the desert, and here there is nothing in the way of riches or formalities. Our most costly possessions are our horses, our favourite food their flesh, our most enjoyable drink their milk and the products of it. In our country are no gardens or buildings. Our chief recreation is inspecting our herds. Therefore let us go and amuse ourselves with looking at the droves of horses, and thus spend a short time together." When they came to where these were, he examined them all, and said: "I have two horses which are worth the whole herd." These two were then brought forward; (and the Khan used to say that never in his life had he seen such beautiful animals as these two). Then Kasim Khan resumed: "We men of the desert depend for our lives upon our horses; and [personally] I put my trust in no others than these two. [I could not bear to part with either of them.] But you are my esteemed guest, so I beg you to accept whichever of them appears to you the better, and to leave the other for me." Having examined the points of each, the Khan chose one which was called Ughan Turuk; and truly such another horse was never seen. Kasim Khan then selected several others from his droves, and gave them to the Khan. He next offered the Khan a cup of the spirit kimiz, saying: "This is one of our forms of hospitality, and I shall esteem it a great favour if you will drink it." Now the Khan, a short time before this, had renounced all intoxicating liquors; so he excused himself, saying: "I have foresworn such things as this: how can I break my vow?" To which Kasim Khan replied: "I have already told you that our favourite beverage is mare's milk and its products, and of these this [kimiz] is the pleasantest. If you do not accept what I now offer you, I am totally at a loss to know what to give you in its place, in performance of the duties of hospitality. Years must elapse before such an honourable guest as yourself again enters the house of your humble host; and now I am incapable of entertaining you. How can I make reparation for this?" So saying he hung down his head with shame, and marks of sorrow appeared upon his face. Thereupon, for his host's sake, the Khan drank the spirit to the dregs, to the great joy of Kasim Khan. Festivities then began, and during twenty days they continued to indulge together in quaffing cups of the spirit kimiz. The summer was just drawing to a close, and the Kazak set out, by Kazim Khan's orders, for winter quarters. Kasim Khan said: "To go and attack the Shaibani, at this time, would involve great difficulties. Men of the desert do not think of winter at this season [without orders]. It is impossible. An expedition is not to be thought of at this time." He then dismissed his army; and with the utmost courtesy and regard, he bade the Khan farewell. He himself returned to his capital, while the Khan, much pleased with Kasim Khan, returned to Andijan. It was then autumn. A learned man, to commemorate these events, discovered the chronogram : Ashti-i-Kazak, or "Peace with the Kazk" [919 A.H.] [Ü ]

XIII. [The good relations with the Kazaks apparently led to no concrete help even in the next year. Said Khan in fact found himself increasingly isolated in Andijan, in the face of an impending Uzbek attack, what with Babur having fled back to Kabul and the Safavi Shah having gone off to Iraq. The result was that Said Khan had to abandon Ferghana and return to Kashgar. The Uzbeks then installed their own local Khan, one Ubaid Ullah (d. 1539). The author paints a flattering portrait of him.]

I have neither seen nor heard speak of such an excellent ruler as he, during the past hundred years. In the first place, he was a true Musulman, religiously inclined, pious and abstinent; he also regulated all the affairs of religion, of the state, of the army, and of his subjects, in conformity with the ordinances of the Holy Law; never deviating from it one hair's-breadth. He was pre-eminent for his valour and for his generosity. He wrote seven different styles of handwriting, but best of all he wrote the Naskhi. He made several copies of the Koran and sent them to the two holy cities [Mekka and Medina]. He also wrote Naskh Taalik well. He possessed the divans of the various Turki, Arabic and Persian poets. He was versed in the science of music, and several of his compositions are still sung by musicians. In short, he was a king endowed with every excellence, and during his lifetime, his capital Bokhara, became such a centre of the arts and sciences, that one was reminded of Herat in the days of Mirza Sultan Husaim. Although both the Emperor and the Khan died before Ubaid Ullah Khan, and the account of the end of his days should have been given after their deaths had been recorded, yet since the stories of the Emperor and the Kha'n occupy much space, and since Ubaid Ullah Khan has no further connection with my story, I have summarily completed my account of him here. I shall have no further occasion to refer to the Uzbeg in this history. [Ü ]

XIV. [The decision by Said Khan to abandon Andijan in the face of the Uzbek advance in 1514 was reached only after a meeting with his council of advisers, at which Sayyid Muhammad Mirza, the younger brother of Mirza Aba Bakr and the uncle of the author, offered the rationale for returning to Kashgar.]

In the summer of the year 920, the Uzbeg Shaiban who were in Tashkand, advanced under the command of Suyunjuk Khan, against Andijan. When the Khan learnt this, he convened a meeting of all his Amirs and councillors, and they discussed what were the wisest steps to take in the matter. They tried to foresee the final issues of things, and were plunged in the ocean of meditation. [At last] my uncle said: "The neighbouring Sultans are not inclined to sacrifice their reputation, and have gone to look after their own affairs. Our numbers are not sufficient to compete with the Shaibani, nor are our armaments equal to theirs....

"The province of Farghna is the territory and ancient dwelling-place of the Chaghatai. The Shaibani have deprived them of it by force and violence. We have become the guardians of the Chaghatai country. Now that all the Sultans, in general, and the Chaghatai Sultans in particular, have given up the contest, it would be absurd for us to engage in this dangerous affair on their account. If you wish to be on the safe side and consider the wisest plan, then block up the path of war and follow the road of flight, before the borders of this kingdom have been darkened by the dust of the enemy's army. Let our reins be drawn towards Moghulistan, which is the old home of the Moghuls; this will tend to the consolidation of the State. And yet another fact must be taken into consideration : namely, that Mirza Aba Bakr, in the face of [the Khan's] victorious host, is like a wounded quarry, for has he not once before fought a pitched battle, at Tutluk, and been defeated? If we enter his province, and if he keeps a brave heart, he will probably again offer battle, and fighting with him will be an easy matter in comparison with fighting the Uzbeg. In fact, there will be little to fear and much to gain. Another point that ought to count in favour of this plan is that the Mirza is over sixty years of age, and he has reigned close on fifty years. The Almighty has, during forty years, suffered him to exercise tyranny. The time has probably now come for his day of oppression to be changed to the night of annihilation. Moreover, he has cast aside all his own Amirs, and has neglected the leaders of his army, setting up in their places a number of mean people of low birth, who, by reason of their lack of judgment and small intelligence, stand in great fear of him. Therefore, we ought to direct all our energies, devote all our strength, to the conquest of Kashghar. Haply the opener of all gates will open to us the gate of victory. Finally, Mirza Aba Bakr's men, who were my companions in the service of my brother, when they see me in your train, will probably return to me. And they will be a substantial assistance to us in conquering Kashghar.

"Although Mirza Aba Bakr is my own brother, (Verse).... my loyalty and devotion are to the Khan alone: and any head that will not bow to him, verily will I bring it down, though it be that of my own brother. In my devotion to the Khan, no such consideration as a tie of brotherhood shall stand in the way. In the Mirza's downfall, I now recognise the establishment of the Khan's prosperity. If my plan is approved let it be at once proceeded with."

When my uncle had finished his speech, the Khan, who had been listening with evident satisfaction, began to praise and commend him, saying: "My thoughts have for a long time been occupied with such considerations; but in our discussions, all the suggestions made have been either impossible or inexpedient. I find your plan most reasonable, and preferable to any other. My opinion is the opinion of Sayyid Muhammad Mirza. If any one has anything further to say on the matter, let him speak." All the Amirs were unanimous in their agreement, and began to approve my uncle's suggestion.

Being all of one mind, the Khan, in the month of Rabi-ul-avval, of the aforesaid year, left Farghana before Suynujuk Khan had entered it, and marched towards Kashghar by way of Moghulistan. At this time Mirza Aba Bakr executed a very surprising work, the truth of which is attested by all who were in Kashghar at the time, and I myself have seen and measured the building.... Now, he had destroyed the ancient citadel of Kashghar a long time before, as well as its suburbs, and had carried the inhabitants off to Yarkand, while he had turned several inhabited places into cultivated fields. When he heard of the Khan's approach, he commanded a fort to be built on the banks of the River Tuman. I have taken the dimensions of that fort several times. It may include about fifty jarib, more or less, and its height in some places is twenty mata gaz. The circumference of the towers at each angle is more than thirty gaz. On the ramparts, in most places, four horsemen can ride abreast. This huge fort was constructed in seven days, which is, of course, a most extraordinary feat, and confirms what has been said above, of Mirza Aba Bakr's power and activity. It is now necessary to give some account of Kashghar. [Ü ]

XV. Description of Kashgar

Kashgar is an old and famous town. In former times the Sultns of Kashghar were of the family of Afrasiab the Turk, whom the Moghuls call Bugha Khan...Among the Sultans of Kashghar [here the author is talking about the Karakhanids] was a certain Satuk Bughra Khan, who was converted to Islam in his early years. During his occupation of the throne, he brought over the whole country of Kashghar to the true faith. After his death, several of his descendants ruled in Kashghar, and even in Mavara-un-Nahr, until the conquest of Chingiz Khan.

[Tai Yang Khan fled from Chingiz Khan. Kushluk, son of Tai Yang Khan] took Kashghar from the vassals of the Gur Khan of Kara Khitai, who had himself taken it from the vassals of the descendants of Afrasiab....[The details of Kushluk's actions follow here, where he is alleged to have forced the population in the cities of the western Tarim Basin to become Christians or Buddhists.]

After Chingiz Khan had subjugated the whole of Kashghar, he went and set his mind at rest with regard to the affairs of Iran and Turan--nay, rather of the whole world. He then returned to his capital and divided all his kingdoms among his four sons.... Moghulistan, Kara Khitai, Turkistan and Mavara-un-Nahr [were given] to Chaghatai Khan... In the same manner he distributed his army and his Amirs; and in that division, the Doghlat [the author's family] fell to the lot of Chaghatai, who entrusted to them Mangalai Sunak, which means "facing the sun". This country is bounded by Shash, Chalish, Issigh Kul and Sarigh Uighur; and on the confines of these four limiting provinces are situated Kashghar and Khotan. The particular Dughlat who was established in this kingdom, was Amir Babdaghan, in whose family it remained, from father to son, until the time of Mirza Aba Bakr. The Jam-i-Giti Numai says that Kashghar is the most important town of the Turks, and goes on to describe several objects in it, of which now no trace remains. Among other things it says is, that people used to carry clothing of ermine and squirrel from Kashghar to all parts. But nowadays there are no such [animals] to be found there.

Kashghar is bounded on the north by the mountains of Moghulistan, which stretch from west to the east, and from them rivers flow towards the south. Those hills extend from Shash, on one side, to beyond Turfan [on the other], their extremities reaching into the land of the Kalmak, which quarter none but the Kalmak themselves have seen, or know anything about. I have questioned some of those who have seen something of that country, but I can recall nothing of what they told me, which would be worthy of mention in this book. Moghulistan will [afterwards] he described shortly. From Shash to Turfan is three months' journey. On the west side of Kashghar is another long mountain range, of which the mountains of Moghulistan are an off-shoot. This range runs from north to south. I travelled on those mountains for six months without coming to their extremity. They also shall be presently described, in the account of Tibet. From these mountains, rivers run from west to east, and to these rivers Kashghar owes its fertility. The whole of the confines of Khotan, Yarkand and Kashghar lie at the base of these mountains. To the east and south of Kashghar and Khotan are deserts, which consist of nothing but heaps of shifting sands, impenetrable jungles, waste lands and salt-deserts. In ancient times there were large towns in these [wastes], and the names of two of them have been preserved, namely Lob and Katak; but of the rest no name or trace remains: all are buried under the sand. Hunters, who go there after wild camels, relate that sometimes the foundations of cities are visible, and that they have recognised noble buildings such as castles, minarets, mosques and colleges, but that when they returned a short time afterwards, no trace of these was to be found; for the sand had again overwhelmed them. On such a scale were these cities of which, nowadays, neither name nor vestige remains! In a word, the habitable districts of Kashghar and Khotan lie along the western skirts of these mountains. On the frontier of Kashghar is the district of Artuj; from there to the confines of Khotan, at Kariya and Jariya, is one month's journey. But as for the breadth of fertility of the cultivated region (from the foot of the western range to the eastward) by travelling quickly one can leave all cultivation behind in a day or two. On the banks of every stream that comes down from that range, grain is sown and the land is cultivated.

The first of these is the River Timan [Tuman], which comes from a mountain standing between Kashghar and Farghana. This river flows between the ancient citadel of Kashghar, which Mirza Aba Bakr destroyed, and the new one which he built, on the banks of this river, as has been related. Part of Kashghar is fertilised by this same river. The second river is the Kara Tazghun. In the dialect of Kashghar, Tazghun means a river. It flows about three farsakhs to the south of the above mentioned fort. The greater part of the province of Kashghar is watered by it. At a distance of three farsakhs from it, is a third river called Kusan Tazghun, on the banks of which is the town of Yangi-Hisar, and its dependent districts. The town is supplied with water by this river. The distance from Kashghar to Yangi-Hisar is six statute farsakhs. At about six farsakhs from Yangi-Kisar is an insignificant hamlet called Kara Chanak, in front of which flows another stream called Shahnaz, which waters several [other] places. The valley of the Shahnaz lies in the western range, and the [high] road from Kashghar to Badakhshan runs through this valley. On the road from Kara Chanak to Kilpin Rabat, is a resting place for those coming and going [on the road]; the distance between Kilpin Rabat and Kara Chanak is five statute farsakhs. Further on is another halting place--a monastery [langar]--which is called Kush Gumbaz, an excellent stage watered by the Shahnaz. It has both cultivated grounds and gardens [baghat] which all form a part of the foundation [vakf] of this "langar." Travellers enjoy the advantages which the "langar" offers. The next stage is a village called Kizil. The water there is brackish, and nobody stops there who is not obliged to. It is considered the halfway stage between Yangi-Hisar and Yarkand. It is about ten farsakhs from Kizil to Kuk Rabat, and from Dik Rabat to the edge of the district of Yarkand, which is called Rabatchi, is by measurement seven statute farsakhs. Between Rabatchi and Kara Chanak there is but little inhabited country, except for the stages that have been mentioned.

Yarkand was formerly a very important city. The old town was dug out by Mirza Aba Bakr; it was among the excavations which we have spoken about, and much treasure was found [in it]. It is not known whether the old town was called Yarkand, or whether it had another name. In the days of my ancestors, Yarkand was a companion city to Yangi-Hisar. Mirza Aba Bakr made Yarkand his capital. He introduced streams [into the town] and laid out gardens; and it is generally reported that these numbered 12,000, most of which were in the city and its environs. But I cannot imagine that this figure is correct. Mirza Aba Bakr built a citadel which, in most places, is thirty statute gaz in height. The inside of the citadel is roughly about a hundred chub, and in it has been built a very high fort [ark]. The citadel has six gateways, which are devised for great strength. The gates themselves are placed about a hundred gaz within [the walls] and on either side are two towers near together, so that should any one wish to enter either of the gates, he must [first] pass between these two towers. If an enemy attack the interior, he is assailed with arrows and stones from front and rear, as well as from right and left. This system is to be met with in very few forts. In the fort [ark] of this citadel, magnificent buildings have been constructed; but to describe them would be tedious. In the suburbs are about ten gardens, in which are erected lofty edifices, containing about a hundred rooms each. All these rooms are fitted with shelves and recesses in the wall, they have ceilings of plaster work, and dados of glazed tiles and frescoes. Along the public roads are avenues of white poplar, so that one may walk for a statutory farsakh and a half on every side of the city, under the shade of these trees. Streams run by most of the avenues.

The water of Yarkand is the best in the world. Every praise which doctors have bestowed upon any water is true of this. It comes down from the mountains of Tibet (a month's journey distant), which are covered with snow and ice; it flows swiftly over a stony and sandy soil from south to north, and when it reaches Sarigh-Kul, which forms the extremity of the hilly country of Kasbghar, it rushes on, with like rapidity, from rock to rock, leaping and tossing, for seven days [journey] in an easterly direction, until it arrives at the level ground. Here it continues its rapid course over a stony bed for two days more, and when it reaches the bed of the river of Yarkand, in which there are few stones, the current in some degree abates its speed. A curious fact concerning this stream is, that in the early part of the spring it becomes so small that one might almost cross it, in some places, by stepping from stone to stone. In the season of Leo, it swells so much that it becomes, in places, nearly a statutory mile [mil] in breadth, [while its depth is then nowhere less than four gaz], and for a distance of one karuh [about 1.5 mi.] it is no less than ten gaz in depth. Jade [Yashb]is found in this stream. Most of the country and districts of Yarkand are irrigated by it. At a distance of about seven farsakhs, flows another stream called Tiz-Ab [Tiznaf], which waters the rest of the country. For about three days' journey, at a medium pace, from Yarkand [in the direction of Khotan] are well populated towns and villages; the farthest of these is called Lahuk. From this place to Khotan is ten days' slow marching, during which time, excepting at the halting places, one meets with no habitations.

In Khotan there are two rivers, called Kara Kash and Urung Kash, in both of which jade is met with, and it is found nowhere else in the world. The waters of these two rivers are preferred [by some] to that of Yarkand, but personally, I could never find the superiority in them. Khotan is amongst the most famous towns in the world, but at the present time its jade is the only thing that remains worth writing about. One curious circumstance concerning Khotan, is that magpies. are never seen there; or if, at any time, one happens to appear, it is taken as a bad omen, and the people band together and drive it away.

The Imam Ala-ud-Din Muhammad of Khotan is mentioned in all histories, but no one in Khotan knows which is his tomb, nor even recalls his name. There are many other tombs there, about which nothing is known. According to tradition (the truth of which is contradicted by books on history) there lie buried there, among others, many martyrs, such as Imam Zabiha [or Zabija], Jafar Tayyar, and Imam Jafar Sadik, and several others of the Companions [of the Prophet]. But the falsehood of these traditions is evident. It is possible that some of the followers of these companions bearing their names, came here and suffered martyrdom, for before the conversion of Kashghar to Islam, some of the followers of the companions came to Kashghar and conducted a holy war [ghazat] there [and at Khotan]. But the strange thing there is that the martyrs, whom they have deposited in the tombs, are sometimes exposed to view, from the sand being blown away by the wind, and no change is noticeable in them; they are recognisable, and their wounds--nay more, the very blood which has issued from the wounds, all dried up, is still visible. Every one who makes the circuit of these graves, witnesses these things.

The tombs of Yarkand, however, belong to no one who is mentioned in histories or other books. But the people of Yarkand believe that there lie [buried there] the Seven Muhammadans. Their story, as related by the mujavir [tomb guardians] is not worth recording here, but Maulana Khwaja Ahmad, who was a disciple of Hazrat Ishan, and a good and industrious old man...., has told me that the Seven Muhammadans were grandees; but I do not remember having read of them in any history. Another tomb is that of Dava Khan Padishah; but concerning him I could learn nothing from the mujavir. Suddenly Hazrat Shahab-ud-Din Khwaja Khavand Mahmud passed in front of the tomb, and turning to me said: 'This man possesses a wonderfully strong power of attraction, and I never pass by here without being strongly drawn towards [his tomb]." The edifice is a lofty one and is covered outside with plaster, upon which are paintings and inscriptions. In spite of having examined them carefully, my efforts did not enable me to read them, for most of them were in Kufic character, but not in the Kufic which is employed nowadays. A few are in Suls [a large Naskhi hand] writing, but it is not inscribed in such a manner as to be easily read. Near this, is a dome, upon the archway of which is some Turki writing which is mostly destroyed. It is there written: "In the year 656.. . . ," but the rest is obliterated and cannot be read. This date corresponds very nearly with the date of Dava Khan, better known as Dava Sahan, and I am convinced that this is his tomb. [Note: the author's identification here seems to be erroneous, in part because his chronology is wrong.] I hold the proof to be conclusive for several reasons. Firstly, at that date there was no other Dava Khan reigning; and this name of Dava Khan does not indicate, in the least, that he was a Shaikh or an Imam; nor does the fact of such a magnificent tomb having been raised over him. Again the father of Dava Khan, Barak Khan, became a Musulman in Bokhara, received the title of Ghayyas-ud-Din, and was succeeded on the throne by his son Dava Khan. From this it is quite evident that Dava Khan was Musulman. He is very much lauded in histories, and it is not surprising that God should have raised him to such high rank, considering his "Islam," and his noble qualities. After his death, any man who believed this to be his tomb, did it reverence, and as time went on [its identity] became an established fact; but God alone knows the truth.

If, as is indeed the case, this is the tomb of the famous Dava Khan, his story is told in histories....

Within the citadel of Yarkand and near to the fort [ark] is a tomb called Abjaji Ata, in which is the bone of a man's thigh, in two pieces. I have always noticed this with great wonder. I once pointed it out to Khidmat Maulana Shah Sayyid Ashik, one of the most profoundly learned and pious Ulama in Mavara-un-Nahr, who expressed great astonishment, and said: "Let us take the measurement." He ordered to be brought the corresponding thigh-bone of a man of the present time; be broke off clods of earth of the weight of that bone and tied them up in handkerchiefs, till they were exactly the weight of the bone which was in two pieces. He afterwards counted the clods and found there were sixty. Then the Maulana said: "The owner of this bone must have been sixty times the size of men of our time." This is indeed a most wonderful thing!

As for the tombs of Kashghar, the first is that of Satuk Bughra Khan, of the race of Afrasiab, and ancestor of Yusuf Kadr Khan and Sultan Ilak Mazi. He was the first Turk to become a Musulman, and he is related to have said: "Satuk was the first of the Turks to become a Musulmdan." I have heard from darvishes that to visit his tomb is a source of great spiritual advantage. There are many other tombs, excellent accounts of which are to be found in books. Among them are those of Husain Fasl Khwaja, Kutb-i-Alam, Shaikh Habib, Fakih ibn Bakr and others. The strangest is the enclosure of Husain Fasl Khwaja, which they call the "Enclosure of the Muftis," for a hole has been made in his grave opposite to where his face is. No change has taken place: his beard is [still] perfectly straight, and he is recognisable. I have heard the Ulama of Kashghar say that whenever they had a difficult question to decide, they would write a copy of it and place it in the tomb; on the morrow, when they came, they found the answer written down. And this has been tried and tested. (The responsibility be upon their shoulders.)

All the people of Khotan and Kashghar are divided up into four classes. One is called Tuman, which means peasantry: they are dependent upon the Khan, and pay their taxes to him yearly. Another class is called Kuchin, which means soldiery, who are all dependent upon my relations [presumably the Dughlat]. A third is called Imak [or Aimak], all of whom receive a fixed revenue [mukataa]of grain, cloth and the like. These people are also dependent upon my relations. The fourth class are the controllers of legal jurisdiction, and the custodians of religious houses and pious foundations; most of these are of my family. They need not, however, be specified in this place.

There are in that country one or two things quite peculiar to it. Firstly, the Jade-stone, which is found in the rivers of Yarkand and Khotan, and of which not a trace is to be found in any other part of the world. Secondly, the wild camel, which if taken in such a way that it receives no injury, can be placed in a line [of camels], and will follow exactly like a domestic camel. This animal is found in the deserts to the south and east of Khotan. Thirdly, in the hills of that country are wild oxen [kutas] of extreme size and nobility; they are the most ferocious of savage beasts When one of them attacks a human being, its butting with the horns, its kick, and its lick are all equally fatal. When on my journey from Tibet to Badakhshan (which journey I will speak of presently) we were a party of twenty-one persons, and on the road a kutas was killed. It was only with the utmost trouble and difficulty that four men were able to extract the beast's stomach. One man could not lift one of its shoulder blades. After the twenty-one persons had each carried away as much as he was able for food, two-thirds were still left.

Again, most of the fruits of that country are very plentiful. Among others the pears are especially good, and I never saw their equal anywhere else; they are, in fact, quite incomparable. Its roses and rose-water are also excellent, and almost as good as those of Herat. Moreover, its fruits have an advantage over the fruits of other countries, in that they are less unwholesome. The cold in winter is very severe, and the heat in summer is moderate; but the climate is very healthy. The fruits, which generally are injurious when taken at breakfast or after any food, are there, on account of the excellence of the climate, followed by no evil consequences and do no harm. During the autumn it is not the custom to sell fruit in the provinces of Kashghar and Khotan, nor is it usual to hinder any one from plucking it. Nay more, it is planted along the roadsides, so that any one who wishes to do so, may take of it.

But [Kashghar] has also many defects. For example, although the climate is very healthy, there are continual storms of dust and sand, and violent winds charged with black dust. Although Hindustan is notorious for this phenomenon, yet in Kashghar it is still more prevalent. The cultivation of the ground is very laborious and yields but little profit. In Kashghar it is impossible to support an army upon the produce of the country. Compared with the Dasht-i-Kipchak, the Kalmak country and Moghulistan, it has the semblance of a town, but with regard to productiveness and its capacity to support an army, it cannot be compared to those steppes. The inhabitants of towns who go there regard Kashghar as a wild country, while the people of the steppes consider it a refined city. It is a sort of Purgatory between the Paradise of Towns and the Hell of Deserts. "Ask those from Hell of Purgatory, and they will call it Paradise" [A quotation from a famous poem "Gulistan" by the Persian Saadi]. In a word, it is free from the discord of men and the trampling of hoofs, and it is a safe retreat for the contented and the rich. Great blessings accrue to the pious, now, from the blessed saints who lived there in time past. From two pious persons, out of many I have seen, I have heard that when people migrate from that country to some other, they cannot find the same peace of mind, and they remember Kashghar [with regret]. This is the highest praise.

Return to the General Narrative

I had brought the Khan's history down to the point where he, having left the province of Farghana, set out for Kashghar by way of Moghulistan. As soon as Mirza Aba Bakr heard of this, he built the citadel of Kashghar in seven days, and placed in it one thousand horse and foot, with provisions for several years, giving his own son Yusfan command over them. Then, having settled whatever business he had there as best he could, he started for Yangi-Hisar, which he also supplied with provisions, arms and siege implements, and finally went on to Yarkand.

In the meanwhile the Khan reached Atu Bum Bashi, which is one of the frontiers of Moghulistan on the side of Kashghar. Leaving his family and baggage there, to follow slowly after, he marched forward with an unencumbered army. On the first night he encamped at a place called Mirza turki; on the second day he halted at Tushku, arriving at Artuj on the third day, and there he performed the circuit [tawaf] of the shrine of Shaikh Habib, an eminent Shaikh. The miracle is recorded of him that in building the monastery, one of the beams was found too short, and that he pulled it, and extended it [to the required length]. This beam [the Khan] saw, and having repeated verses from the Koran and uttered prayers, he begged that he might profit by the spirit of the Shaikh...

[Ü ]

XVI. [After thus invoking the aid of the local saint, Said Khan resumed his march, coming up to the outlying defenses of Kashgar. The author then provides a detailed description of the composition of his forces, in which his own Dughlat family, led by his uncle Sayyid Muhammad Mirza, figures prominently. He notes that at age fifteen, he also had a minor command in the army. This material, not reproduced here, would be valuable for reconstructing the history of the "politics" and local clan affiliations in the region. After defeating Aba Bakr's forces outside of Kashgar, the Khan chose to march on Yanghi Hisar and Yarkand. Sappers managed to blow up parts of the fort at the first of these towns; its fall then led to the capitulation of Kashgar. The author's description of the disarray in Aba Bakr's forces contains some intentional humor and apparent word play. With little hope of defending his territory, Aba Bakr fled in haste from Yarkand. The description of the treasures he attempted to take with him is of some interest as an indicator of the wealth that could be amassed in Turkestan.]

When Mirza Aba Bakr had pitched his camp...he wished to pass his forces in review, but his efforts to do so were in vain. For those Amirs, who had been used all their lives to handling the yoke [yugh], when they now raised the standard [tugh] and formed in line, thought they were thrashing corn, and got in each other's way; nor could they distinguish between right and left and centre. When their spirited steeds reared and shied, they held on anyhow to the withers, and when, in fear of their lives, they pulled at the bridle, and the horse would rear, the rider would lose his control, and slip back on the horse's haunches. If the animal started off, they would throw up the bridle and fall, like a drop of sweat, to the ground. Their bows got broken, and their arrows fell out [of the quivers]. When Mirza Aba Bakr saw this kind of horsemanship--such soldiering and such archery--he said: "With such a troop as this, it would be dangerous to try and rob a kitchen-garden"; and he returned, dispirited and anxious, to his tent, seriously meditating flight.

Following this, came news that the citadel of Yangi-Hisar had fallen; and when the people of Kashghar heard of that, they too abandoned their citadel and dispersed. On this intelligence reaching the Mirza, he felt that further delay was useless [and that the hour for flight had come] [Couplet] . . . . Therefore, having packed up the richest of his clothes and his valuables, having divorced his kingdom, and handed Yarkand over to his eldest son, Jahangir Mirza, he fled. [Verses] .

Jahangir Mirza, who had passed all his life in seclusion, was of a timorous disposition. Finding himself suddenly placed upon the throne of a disordered State, he did what he was able in the way of government, and then, at the end of five days (hearing that his father was at a distance, and that the enemy were near at hand), set out in flight. He collected all the treasure he could carry off, and issued a general order that every one might take what he wished. Those who were afraid of the Moghuls, accompanied him in his flight. The rest fell upon whatever treasure remained, plundering the granaries and burning, or destroying, property of all kinds.

Four days after the departure of Mirza Jahangir, Khwaja Ah Bahadur arrived with two or three thousand men, and two days later the Khan followed, all of which shall be related presently. Mirza Jahangir retired to Sanju, which is the frontier on the highroad to Tibet, while Mirza Aba Bakr went to Khotan. But, seeing no possibility of making a stand in the citadel there, he marched on to Karanghutagh, whither he was followed, in hot pursuit, by a party of Moghuls. As the roads were difficult, it would have been hard--nay, impossible, for him to carry off all the property he had with him; he therefore collected it all together, and set it on fire. I have heard from those who had charge of it, that there were nine hundred mule-loads of embroidered and brocaded garments. Many of them were embroidered in gold in the European, Ottoman [Rumi], and Chinese fashions; while some of the robes were studded with jewels and all kinds of precious stones. All these were consumed in the fire; while his gold and silver vases, cups, and various kinds of ornaments set with jewels, and his saddle-bags filled with gold-dust, he threw from the bridge into the River Ak-Tash, which flows through the middle of [the valley of] Karanghutagh. He killed his riding horses and mules; then, taking what it was possible to carry on such a road, set out for Tibet.

On reaching Tibet [Ladak], he found that all the forts which he had garrisoned had been abandoned by his men, who had fled in different directions; so that his forts and treasures had again fallen into the hands of the infidels of Tibet. Hence he could do nothing in that country. He could discern no shore of safety from amid the furious waves of hardship and trial, which tossed around him. Mirza Aba Bakr had now for a space of forty-eight years so filled the book [of life] with black records, that there was no space left to write anything more. He had devoted all his energies to accumulating earthly goods, and the pen is unable to describe his worldly magnificence. But, although he used ostentatiously to speak of the next world, and to express hopes of attaining it, yet he never performed an action that did not, as it were, open to him a door of hell or shut upon him a gate of paradise. Between himself and paradise was a long road.

In short, in the fulness of time, he reaped the fruits of his past misdeeds; so that, finding it impossible to remain in Tibet, he preferred death to life. Leaving his family and children there, he departed, saying: "I am going [to give myself up to the Khan]. It is evident that I shall be killed with the poison of oppression. If this happens, bury my body in the sepulchre of my ancestors. Although I have not discharged the duties of kinship towards Sayyid Muhammad Mirza and Mirza Haidar, I beg you to show them kindness. And if, contrary to my expectations, they should not kill me, I have still a plan [which may be executed]." With such intentions he set out, towards the middle of winter, to visit the Khan. On his way, he met with a party of his own servants, whom my uncle had sent into Tibet to fetch him, threatening them with this and that [penalty] if they did not succeed. When Mirza Aba Bakr met them, he asked their news; they replied: "We have been sent to find you:" and then they strung together a few lies to try and reassure him. But he did not believe them, and said: "All I want you to do is to take me, living, before the Khan and Sayyid Muhammad; after that, you can do what you please." They launched out into professions of readiness to comply with his wish. Then, as it was late, having said his night prayers, he went to sleep: and the saying, "Sleep is the brother of Death," was verified in his case. When he retired to rest, the men of the party consulted together, resolved to cut off his head and carry it to the Khan, [as this would appear an important service] and cause the Khan to place confidence in them.

Bad as he was, these people [should not have] betrayed their charge, and used perfidy in place of good faith. However, they cut off his head while he slept and then returned, as shall be narrated shortly. Thus were all his subjects--prince and pauper, high and low--delivered from his wickedness. [Verses, etc.] ...

At the end of Rajab of the year 920, the Khan made his triumphant entry into the town of Yarkand, and with the splendour of his glittering sword, he allayed the dust of tyranny and enmity [etc.] . . . The victorious Kha'n mounted the throne of the town. He then went up to the citadel [ark], within which were many lofty buildings, containing, each of them, rooms and upper-apartments and battlements, so numerous as to astound the beholder. And these buildings were filled with cloths, chintzes, carpets, porcelain, cuirasses, horse-trappings, saddles, bows and other things useful to man. All these things had been seized by Mirza Aba Bakr, or procured by whatever means he chose to employ, and had been hidden away by him, so that no one might know of their existence. Of such as remained over, Mirza Jahangir had destroyed and wasted as much as he was able; and on his departure had sanctioned a general pillage, which, until the arrival of Khwaja Ali Bahadur, was carried on by the whole population--each taking what he could. When Khwaja Ali Bahadur entered the town, he, likewise, devoted himself to pillage. Seven days later the Khan arrived, and he too gave his men permission to plunder right and left. Everything in the way of money, as well as the valuable cloths and stuffs, had been carried off, but the houses were still full [of other things]. Two months after the flight of Mirza Aba Bakr, there were still great quantities of cuirasses and the like, lying about the houses and passages, that no one had cared to carry away. [Five couplets]...

Thus, all that Mirza Aba Bakr had, in the course of forty-eight years, amassed with infinite toil, and guarded with savage miserliness, he was finally obliged, with a thousand heart-rendings, to abandon; while the Khan, with one stroke of his pen, gave it all over to a general sack, and during two months the dust thereof rose to the sky. [Verses]...

At the end of two months, every man returned safely--laden with plunder from different directions--and presented the Khan with tribute [pishkash], according to the quantity of booty he had taken. But the Khan, in order to win the hearts of his people, divided the property up into shares in accordance with the old Moghul custom, and distributed it among his soldiers. I remember distinctly that some of the Amirs who had come from Karaughutagh, presented, besides arms and vases, an Andijan man of gold-dust. Now an Andijan man is... [the equivalent of nearly 320 lbs. troy]. From this the extent of the rest of the booty may be conceived....

[When those sent to catch Aba Bakr] came to the bridge over which Mirza Aba Bakr had thrown his effects, they found the roads blocked with the carcasses of the...horses which he had killed, and of the mules, on which had been loaded the saddle-bags full of money and stuffs. I do not quite recall whether there were 900 mules or 900 strings of mules. They next came to the spot where he had burnt his brocades, etc., and saw that these valuables were become an ash-heap from which smoke was still rising. The gold and precious stones with which these clothes had been adorned were still remaining. These they gathered from among the ashes, and found that the jewels and rubies had not been affected [by the fire]. But the turquoises had turned black, and become brittle. No trace of their original colour was left. The rubies too, were broken into little pieces, and had changed to an ugly colour. The pearls were reduced to ashes, so that they could no longer be distinguished; also the amber--which bad lost all its charm.

The Amirs and their men, having gathered what they could from the ashes, again set out upon their road, when they suddenly noticed the boxes of gold-dust shining at the bottom of the river. Indeed the jewelry and vessels of silver and gold, shone forth the rays of the sun, as it were, from the depths of the stream. They thereupon proceeded to attempt the recovery of these valuables, from the water. The river was rushing over the rocks in such a torrent that no one could, by any device, have entered it. So each man prepared a long pole, at the end of which a hook was attached. To reach the bottom, it was necessary to join several of these poles together. Now when Mirza' Aba' Bakr had thrown these treasures into the river, he had ordered his men to cut the leather cases into pieces, so that the gold-dust might be scattered in the water. But since the cutting up of the cases took a long time, and the Mirza was impatient to go forward, he [finally] ordered them to be thrown in just as they were, and thus they had remained from that time.

When they struck the cases, their hooks broke most of them in pieces, and [the contents] were washed away by the current. Sometimes, however, if a man took great care, it did not break, and was lifted out of the water. They were found to contain a mule's-load each. Such of the vases and vessels as had handles, or something to lay hold of, were hooked up, but nothing was recovered upon which a firm hold with the hooks could not be obtained. They only secured a very small quantity of the gold-dust; about a hundred-thousandth part of the whole. However, they were enriched by what they did secure, and got more than enough to enable them to realise all their desires. At present, as compared with those times, all this wealth and all these Moghuls are as a mere drop in the ocean....

[The denouement of the conquest included the murder of Aba Bakr's son by unknown assassins and the marriage of Aba Bakr's widow to the victorious Said Khan, according to the custom mentioned above.]

History of the Khan after the Conquest of Kashgar

As soon as the Khan had reduced the State to order, he bestowed liberal gifts and rewards upon his followers, especially upon those who had distinguished themselves in battle, by their courage and daring; these have been enumerated above. [Verses] He poured down favours, more plentiful than drops of rain, upon his soldiers; and by the splendour of his justice, he dispelled the darkness of tyranny which had settled on the inhabitants of the country. [Verses] . . . . The roads which had before been too dangerous to traverse, were now made so safe and tranquil as to become proverbial, that if an old woman were to travel along them, bearing a jar of gold on her head, she would not be molested. At that time there was a popular song which ran: "A solitary person may carry a jar of gold from east to west, for the respect he [the Khan] inspires, causes all corners of the earth to be safe." But what is yet more remarkable, and more creditable, is that if, for example, a woman should leave a vessel full of gold and proceed on her road, she would, on returning at any time, find it untouched. [Verses] .

Into such a complete state of order did the Khan bring the kingdom, that the doors of pleasure and the gates of security were opened to high and low alike. And now all the people gave themselves up to wine and song and dancing. [Verses and rhetoric] ...

The entire population of the country, and the Khan and his courtiers in particular, turned night into day and day into night in draining the wine cups; nor did they care to learn of events that were passing [around them]. [Verse] . . . . "I came intoxicated to thy street and I left mad: 1 know not how I came nor how I departed." Revelling became so much the fashion that sobriety was held as a disgrace, and drunkenness as a cardinal virtue. These illicit indulgences lasted from Rajab of the year 920, to the end of the year 928, after which time the Khan was, by the favour of Heaven, defended from exposing himself to further censure, as shall, God willing, be related in its proper place....

[After narrating at some length various political events, the author returns to the person of the Khan. What follows is of some interest for what it tells about the Sufi presence in Central Asia. The influence of Sufi orders was growing; the text devotes substantial attention to various Sufi leaders, pointing out their "genealogies" connecting them to famous teachers. It is clear from the notes provided by the translator of the text, that he has omitted some material--e.g., "names of unimportant s