Section 21 –
The Kingdom of Shule 疏勒
(Kashgar)
1. Shule
疏勒
[Shu-lo]
= Kashgar –
or Qäshqär
–
Mallory and Muir (2000), p. 69. There can
be no doubt that Shule = Kashgar. See, for example, Stein (1907), pp. 47-57;
CICA, p. 141, n. 373, and the detailed discussion of the various names
for the town in Bailey (1958), pp. 50-54. See also note 1.58
above.
“The pilgrim
Xuanzang tells us that its name in Sanskrit was Śrīkrīrāti
which means something like ‘Fortunate
Hospitality’
; the local name was transcribed in Chinese as Shule..., which provides fairly
dramatic evidence for what happens when a Chinese tongue tries to articulate
Indo-European clusters of sound. From the perspective of the Chinese traveller,
Shule was a main emporium en route to Ferghana and Bactria; it is highly
likely that General Li Guangli led his forces through it in his quest for the
‘heavenly
horses’
of Ferghana. During the Han period its population was initially recorded as
about a quarter of the size of Kucha, i.e. 1,510 households, 18,647 people of
whom 2,000 could bear arms (but the town was booming by the 2nd century
AD
when the number of families was about 21,000 and it was fielding ten times the
earlier number of soldiers). We are informed that there were markets with stalls
in the town. It was an important garrison town in the Western Han dynasty (206
BC–AD
9), but early in the 1st century AD
it fell to Khotan only to be retaken by the Chinese under General Ban Chao.
Thus, the trade route west was secure at the time that Marinus of Tyre was
gathering information about the Silk Road through the agents of Maës the
Macedonian in the early 2nd century AD.”
Mallory and Muir
(2000), pp. 69-70.
2. This
distance of 5,000 li (2,079 km) from residence of the Chief Scribe in
Lukchun to Kashgar is grossly overestimated – the true distance (along the
modern road) being only about 1,530 km.
3. These
events involving the Kashgari prince, Chen Pan, almost certainly form the basis
of the story that Xuan Zang, the famous Chinese pilgrim monk, heard when he was
travelling through the Punjab in 633 CE.
Of interest is the fact that the Kushan king, who remains unnamed in the Hou
Hanshu, is named as Kanishka in Xuan Zang’s account:
“When
Kanishka was reigning the fear of his name spread to many regions so far even as
to the outlying vassals of China to the west of the Yellow River. One of these
vassal states being in fear sent a hostage to the court of king Kanishka, (the
hostage being apparently a son of the ruler of the state). The king treated the
hostage with great kindness and consideration, allowing him a separate residence
for each of the three seasons and providing him with a guard of the four kinds
of soldiers. This district was assigned as the winter residence of the hostage
and hence it was called Chinabhukti. The pilgrim proceeds to relate how Peaches
and Pears were unknown in this district and the parts of India beyond until they
were introduced by the “China hostage.” Hence, he tells us, peaches were called
“Chināni” and
pears were called “China-rājaputra”.”
Watters (1904-1905); reprint 1973, I, pp. 292-293. Also, see the note 16.1
above.
If, however,
the recent dating of the beginning of Kanishka’s
era in 127 CE
– see Falk (2001) – proves correct it becomes necessary to explain the
traditional association of Kanishka with Chen Pan – as the text says that he was
sent as a hostage to the Kushan king “during
the yuanchu period [114-120 CE]
in the reign of Emperor An.” [Note:
a number of writers have repeated the mistake (made first, I believe, by Sten
Konow in his work of 1929) of claiming that the yuanchu
period ran from 114-116. In fact, the yuanchu period ran 114 to 120
CE
–
see Tung (1960)]. 4. The town
of Pangao 磐稾
[P’an-kao] is apparently the same as the town of Pantuo
槃槖
[P’an-t’o]
in the Biography of Ban Chao, which is said to be 90 li from Shule
(Kashgar) – see Chavannes (1906), p. 222 and n. 1. The first characters are
identical and the final characters of the two names look similar and could
easily be confused. 5. han
daduwei 漠大都尉
[han ta-tu-wei] = Great
Commander-in-Chief for the Han. Tu-wei: “Commandant or
Commander-in-chief: throughout history a common military title, in later
dynasties used mostly for merit titles (hsün); in all cases, specific
identification is possible only by taking note of prefixes....” Hucker No. 7326.
“Commandant,
tu-wei 都尉.
Within the commanderies of the Han empire, this title was borne by the chief
officer of a commandery in command of the troops in that area, under the
direction of the chief civil official, the Governor, t’ai-shou 太守,
of the commandery. In A.D.
30 the post of tu-wei was abolished,
except in the commanderies situated on China’s borders, see HHSCC Tr. 28.5a-b. Here [in Hanshu 96A] the title is evidently
applied to a non-Chinese official in non-Chinese territory.” CICA, pp. 83-84, n. 80. 6. shou
guosima 守國司馬
[shou kuo-szu-ma] =
Probationary Commander of the Kingdom. Shou: “Probationary, prefix
to a title during the appointee’s first year in service, only after which he was
normally entitled to substantive (shih, chen) status and full
salary.” Hucker No. 5355. See also Hucker No. 5713 (4). 7.
cishi 刺史
[tz’u-shih] = Regional
Inspector. Tz'u-shih: “Lit., a clerk (shih, i.e. a Censor,
yü-shih) who pokes, stimulates, criticizes. (1) HAN–SUI: Regional
Inspector, from 106 B.C. a regular supervisory post intended to provide
disciplinary surveillance over personnel in all units of territorial
administration in a geographically prefixed Region (pu or
chou).... Throughout Han and into the early post-Han years, the Regional
Inspector ranked at 600 bushels.... From Han times he had a staff of
subordinates divided among function-specific Sections (ts'ao).” Hucker
No. 7567 8.
congshi 從事
[ts’ung-shih] = Retainer.
Ts'ung-shih: “HAN–SUI: Retainer, unranked subofficial found on the
staffs of various dignitaries of the central government such as the Han
Metropolitan commandant (ssu-li hsiao-wei) and especially those in units
of territorial administration, most particularly Regional Inspectors
(tz'u-shih); commonly headed by clerical Sections (ts'ao) among
which staff members were distributed....” Hucker No. 7176. 9. maoji
sima [mao-chi szu-ma] =
Maoji Commandant. For the interpretations of maoji see note
1.5, and for sima see notes 1.62 and 21.6 above. 10. xiyu
zhangshi [hsi-yü chang-shih] =
Aide of the Western Regions. See note 1.46 above. “The
funerary inscription of this person [Cao Kuan曹寬] has been
preserved. It is made the subject of a notice in the Jinshilupu 金石錄補
(chap. IV, pp. 4a–5a of the reprint of the Huailucongzhou). This notice is known
as: “Stele of Cao Quan of the Han period 漠曹全碑.
The abovementioned stele of Cao Quan was erected in the second zhongping year of Emperor Ling of the
Han dynasty (185 CE).
On it is written: “The honourable deceased had Quan 全
as his personal name and Jingwan 景完as
his style. He was originally from Xiaogu 效轂
(in the commandery of) Dunhuang 燉煌. He was the grandson of (Zao) Feng 鳳
who was Counsellor of the Marquis of Yumi 隃糜
;
(Zao) Feng had often addressed reports to the
throne to discuss the affairs of Shaodang 燒當. This is why he was named
Military Commander of the Western Section of Jincheng 金城
(Lanzhou fu). In the second jianning year (169 CE), (Zao) Quan was proposed (as the choice of the
Emperor) for his filial piety and his integrity. In the 3rd month of
the 7th guanghe year [30
March-27 April](184 CE) he was named langzhong 郞中
and received the
responsibility of sima of the wu section of the Western Regions
西域戊部司馬. At this time, the king of
Shule 疏勒
(Kashgar), named Hede
和德, killed his father and put
himself on the throne. The honourable deceased raised troops to go to punish
him. He stormed the walls and gave battle in the open country. His plans were
abundant, flowing forth. Hede 和德, his hands tied behind his back,
came to be executed. The presents that the various kingdoms then sent (to
Cao
Quan) amounted to almost two million cash. He sent all of it to the official
Treasurer. He was named prefect of Heyang 郃陽.
He mowed down all the remaining rebelling barbarians and cut the evil out at the
root; etc., etc.” – It will be noticed that the Hou Hanshu considers Hede as the paternal uncle of Chen Pan,
whereas, according to the inscription, he must have been his son. Moreover, the
Hou Hanshu mistakenly gives Cao Quan
曹全
the name of Cao Kuan曹寬,
which can only be explained by an alteration of the character 完
which figures in the style 景完
of Cao Quan. Finally, the Hou Hanshu
attributes the title Wuji Sima 戊己司馬,
which never existed, meanwhile the inscription assigns the correct title to him
of Sima of the wu section 戊部司馬.
– On can therefore see the usefulness of the corrections that epigraphy allows
one to bring to the historical texts.” Translated and adapted from Chavannes
(1907), p. 206, n. 1. 11. The
locality of the town of Zhenzhong 楨中
[Chen-chung]
is not known. It was near Kashgar, though probably not on the main roads north
and south, but to the east. Chavannes (1905), p. 554 n. 2, gives a translation
of a parallel account of this campaign from the Cefouyuangui (Chap. 973,
p. 8b), where Zhengzhong is written with a slightly different first character.
It also places the event in the second jianning year (169 CE), and says
that they only besieged the town for ten days before leaving. Otherwise the
account is practically identical. 12. Weitou
尉頭 [Wei-t’ou] = Akqi. The
Hanshu states that from Wensu (Uch Turfan) it is “300 li (125 km)
to Wei-t’ou in the west” (CICA, p. 163). This places it exactly at modern
Akqi. See also: Stein (1921), p. 1301, n. 26 where he adds the interesting
observation, “It is worth noting that Akche is the first place with agricultural
resources which the traveller by this route reaches after leaving the
Kāshgar
district.” 13. Wensu
溫宿 [Wen-su]
= modern
Wushi or Uch Turfan. See notes 1.59 and 20.10 above. The Hanshu
(CICA: 163) places Wensu at an impossible 2,380 li (990 km) from
the seat of the Protector General at Wulei, which was only 350 li (146
km) east of Kucha. in a later Buddhist Sanskrit document it is referred to as
Hečyuka
–
see Bailey (1985), pp. 71, 73, 74. “The usual
dust haze of the spring was hiding the view of the great snowy range of the
T’ien-shan northward. It was thus impossible to obtain even a distant glimpse of
the Bedel Pass, by which Hsüan Tsang had once gained the Issik-kul region and
thence Sogdiana. But even without that imposing background Uch-Turfān
presented itself to me as the most picturesque and pleasant of any district
headquarters I had visited in Chinese Turkestān. The view
of the fertile green valley, set off vividly by the chain of barren grey hills
which encircle the town from the south, was particularly striking from the
height of the Chinese citadel.... This crowns the top of a precipitous rocky
spur, which adjoins the west wall of the town and projects beyond it like a huge
natural ravelin, rising with its westernmost cliffs to a height of some 250
feet. The citadel and the flanking defences joining it to the town walls are
recent, having been built in the place of fortifications destroyed when
Uch-Turfān
was besieged and taken during the Muhammadan rebellion. But this natural
stronghold is bound to have been utilized since early times. See also:
Chavannes (1905), p. 553, n. 1; Stein (1921), p. 1297 and n.
5.
It is not stated, however, when exactly the Kushans placed Chen Pan on the throne of Kashgar. This was presumably sometime after 120 CE
and perhaps, but not necessarily, after the inauguration of Kanishka's era in 127 CE
.
However, the Hanshu also states that it was 270 li (112 km)
west of Aksu (Gumo), 610 li (254 km) south of Chigu, the capital of the
Wusun near (lake) Issik-kol, and 300 li (125 km) east of Weitou. This
places it firmly near modern Uqturpan (= Uch-Turfan) or Wushi, in the valley of
the Toxkan He (Tuoshigan Ho). See: Chavannes (1905), p. 553, n. 1; (1906), p.
24, n. 3); Stein (1921), Vol. III: pp. 1299-1301; Pelliot (1959), p. 492;
CICA: p. 162, n. 502.
Wensu controlled access up the Tuoshigan valley as well as the approach
to the Bedel Pass, the main route north to Issik-kul. Stein (1921), Vol. III,
pp. 1300-1301, remarks:
.... the ‘kingdom’ and town are
referred to [as Wensu] in the Former Han Annals, the Hou Han shu, and the
Wei lio. The former Han Annals ascribe to it a population of 2,200
families, which seems proportionate, and indicate its position quite correctly
with reference to the Wu-sun capital which lay 610 li to the north, to
Ku-mo, or Ak-su, and to Wei-t’ou, 300 li westwards....”