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The
Role of Law in Othering Moroccan Immigrants and Preventing Their
Integration
into Host Societies
The
Contradictions of Immigration Law and Policy in the Netherlands and
Spain
By
Mina Barahimi
University
of Washington, Seattle
A
study of how clashing cultures and religion, the principle of human
rights, and
the politics of citizenship, identity, and place-making define the
boundaries
that delineate notions of legality and illegality. This comparative
analysis of
the immigration laws and policies of Spain and the Netherlands reveals
that in
spite of historical, social and political disparities between the two
countries, which might indicate differences in the way the law treats
the
immigrant population, both Spanish and Dutch law construct and
reconstruct
immigrant difference and marginality and thereby reproduce inequalities
even as
they purport to facilitate the integration of immigrants. At the heart
of this
issue is the contradiction between the economic incentive for the host
governments
to maintain a ready source of cheap labor and their need to appease
Dutch and
Spanish societies’ widespread fear of an established, permanent
immigrant
settlement. The central paradox is that, in order to achieve these
dueling
goals, Dutch and Spanish immigration law and public policy ultimately
protect
those who are already citizens. .pdf
Resisting the National Narrative
Charisma
and the Venezuelan Cooperative Movement Within the Context of the
Bolivarian Revolution
By
Laura Adrienne Brady
University
of Washington, Seattle
The
promotion of cooperatives has been a core project of President Hugo
Chávez's
Bolivarian Revolution. Before he came to power there were less than
1,000
cooperatives in Venezuela, but by 2006 that number had risen
to 108,000.
However, in July 2007, Chávez declared the program a failure; a
surprise given
his critique of exclusionary nationalist rhetoric and his populist
appeals. By
examining CECOSESOLA, one of the most successful cooperatives
worldwide, I
argue that a cooperative’s success is tied to its ability to develop
both a
sense of personal agency and a collective narrative of resistance.
Unlike
CECOSESOLA, which has maintained organizational and political autonomy,
and
developed its own narrative of belonging, Chávez’s program provided
cooperatives with a politicized and state-centric narrative of
cooperative
identity underwritten by Chávez’s personal charisma. My research
ultimately
suggests that though Chávez discursively encourages citizen
mobilization, the
Bolivarian narrative perpetuates patterns of exclusion and may
consequently
undermine the creation of a strong civil society. .pdf
Female Romanian
Migratory Labor in Spain
The
Characteristics of 'Otherness'
By Sanja Davidovic
Fairfield
University
Drawn
to the decades-long economic expansion of the Spanish
society,
the country’s need for blue-collar labor, and Europe’s open borders,
women of Romania are only the latest migratory group to come to the
Iberian country in search of opportunity and prosperity. Yet, as they
have grown in numbers, the usually tolerant Spanish ambient has shifted
to a more sinister attitude toward these instrumental players of the
global economy. For its part, this paper will examine the severe and
far-reaching consequences of this migratory flow on its protagonists,
the Romanian women. The discussion will include an analysis of the
Spanish legal framework that directs the migration; the rampant
economic challenges that come with being characterized as cheap and
expendable labor in an upwardly-mobile European society; and lastly,
the social impact of transnational living for a wife, mother, and
daughter migrant. In its entirety, the paper will seek to prove the
necessity of incorporating this foreign labor force into the Spanish
society and the inadequacies with which Spain has met the task
..pdf
Justice Denied
Impunity
During and After the Salvadoran Civil War
By Liam McGivern
University
of Washington, Bothell
An
examination of three infamous atrocities of the Salvadoran civil war
and the
attempts to bring those responsible to justice. The first case is the
March
1980 assassination of Archbishop Romero, an outspoken critic of the
Salvadoran
government. The second case is the December 1980 rape and murder of
four
American churchwomen by a paramilitary death squad. The final case
discussed is
the November 1989 murder of six Jesuit professors and their two
domestic
servants on the Universidad Centroamericana campus. Ultimately, justice
was
never served, due to four factors: corruption within the government of
El
Salvador and the Salvadoran judicial system; a lack of power given to
the
United Nations Truth Commission; United
States Cold War politics;
and
the
inability of the United States civil courts to create meaningful
accountability. .pdf
Child Soldiers in Chad
A
Policy Window for Change
By
Mary Jonasen
University
of Washington, Bothell
The
post-Cold War period has experienced a rise in the use of child
soldiers
fighting in conflicts worldwide to numbers exceeding a quarter of a
million.
This research focuses on child soldiers in Chad, and how the worsening
regional
instability in Central and Western Africa forces more children into
both
Internally Displaced Persons camps and refugee camps, creating a
vicious cycle
of violence in which children are vulnerable to being used as soldiers.
Although most of the countries perpetuating this practice have signed
and
ratified the International Convention on the Rights of the Child,
children
continue to be caught up in soldiering while protection of their human
rights
remains largely unenforceable. The current debate involving the age of
accountability and appropriate punitive measures draws attention away
from potential
solutions. The policy proposals made in this paper support incentives
to create
compliance within the Chadian government, but the most significant
proposal
favors a long-term solution of regional grass roots peace building and
human
rights education. .pdf
Past, Present, and
Politics
A
Look at the Hawaiian Sovereignty Movement
By
Amanda Mae Kāhealani Pacheco
University
of San Francisco School of Law
For
many years, Hawai‘i has been a favored destination of vacationers and
adventurers, colonizers and usurpers. Its beautiful landscape and
strategic
placement lend itself for these purposes. However, there is another
side of
Hawai‘i that many do not see, and even less understand. When the
sunscreen, ABC
Stores, and hotel lū‘au’s are left behind, one will find that there is
a part
of Hawai‘i that longs for the return of its independence, its identity,
its
rights. This Hawai‘i no longer wishes to see its people impoverished or
imprisoned. It no longer wishes to be forgotten in history books, and
remembered only when it’s time to plan a family trip over the summer.
This is
the Hawai‘i being fought for by those in the Hawaiian sovereignty
movement and
is addressed in this article. .pdf
The Freedom to Achieve Freedoms
Negotiating
the Anglo-Irish Treaty
By
Matthew Heintz
University
of Washington, Seattle
In
the early hours of December 6, 1921, an Irish and British delegation,
weary
from weeks of negotiations and arguments, signed a document that
promised a
lasting peace between Ireland and Great Britain. The document, commonly
referred to as the Anglo-Irish Treaty , is certainly the most
consequential in
the tangled joint history of the two nations. The Anglo-Irish Treaty
brought an
end to the three-year struggle between Irish guerrilla forces, led by
Michael
Collins, and the military forces of Great Britain. The British
domination of
Ireland, a fact of life for seven hundred years, almost completely
ceased, and
the political and legislative union between the two nations effectively
ended.
The Treaty did not encapsulate all Irish demands, but was rather a
compromise
between the two nations. Faced with the threat and the burden of
resumed
warfare, the Irish delegation signed the document containing the final
British
proposals, hoping that the rest of Ireland would receive it as a great
step
towards independence. Under the circumstances, the document may have
represented the best possible resolution Ireland could have hoped for.
Yet
despite all of its merits; despite the realization of so many Irish
national
aspirations embodied in the document; those who opposed the treaty
regarded it
as an abandonment of the Irish Republic and a corruption of Republican
ideals. .pdf
Examination of U.S. Cities as
Forces in Environmental Policy
By
Phaedra W. Boyle
University
of Washington, Seattle
The
Climate Crisis is one of the most prominent issues for society
today.
In the United States, local governments, at the city and state level,
have been
documented to be powerful forces determining environmental policy and
the
centers of the greatest impact. Theory suggests that it is the business
elite,
in cooperation with the political elite, which determine the outcome of
local
environmental policy and its enforcement. However, some have
pointed out
the importance of stakeholders, citizens and consumers, as being
influential in
local environmental policy creation. I examine three models
to determine
which factors are of the greatest influence in determining which cities
adopt
environmental policy and which do not. Included are the
investment model,
prevalence of manufacturing employment should deter environmental
policy, the
homogeneity model, greater homogeneity of culture will increase
likelihood of
environmental policy, and the citizens’ characteristics model, those
characteristics that individuals can migrate with will have the
greatest
effect. This paper examines the relationship of these models with the
likelihood of a city to agree with the United States Mayor Climate
Protection
Agreement, a city-level version of the Kyoto Protocol, and finds
statistically
significant relationships for homogeneity, political culture,
educational
attainment and median income. Results suggest that business
investment
has no relationship with adoption of environmental policy and that
citizen
characteristics have a greater effect then
theorized. .pdf
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