initiatives. He agreed to two historic changes: one establishing a salary policy, another acknowledging faculty collective bargaining rights.
The salary policy commits the university to a regular program of merit increases and to annual negotiations with faculty representatives over the distribution of other salary monies. The salary policy almost broke down in 2001 but it was honored last year and strengthened in further negotiations with the Senate leadership. Two percent merit raises may seem like a small matter, but the commitment to negotiate money issues is anything but small.
McCormick also worked with the Senate in setting gender equality and racial diversity as priorities. Beyond these specifics, McCormick's openness and willingness to compromise was an important asset at a time when budget limitations put enormous strains on the institution.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

The McCormick-Huntsman administration also made a number of policy mistakes. The three most important follow:

Outreach Strategy: The Government Relations team fell far short in efforts to persuade the public and lawmakers to maintain state funding, and while it is true that the obstacles to success were enormous, it is also true that the administration missed some opportunities. The failure to mobilize the faculty, staff, and students and the failure to encourage the hundreds of thousands of UW alumni to join in the task of promoting the university stand out.

Budget Strategy:. There has been no budget strategy; that much is clear after two years of fiscal contraction. The administration has failed to make reasoned and deliberate cuts, opting instead for a dangerous practice of across-the-board budget reduction and opportunistic cuts based on resignations and retirements. This course-of-least-resistance has resulted in unplanned damage to valuable programs. The  unwillingness to begin the process of prioritizing and careful downsizing using the procedures that were approved by the Faculty Senate has been a significant mistake.

Balkanization: The most alarming of the policy moves involves the decision to disaggregate the university as a fiscal unit. This policy goes under the name of entrepreneurial initiatives. Units have been told to find ways to pay for themselves and those that are able to do so have been given enhanced control over revenues. Already we begin to see the colleges pulling apart, going their separate ways. Fund raising has been disaggregated. Tuition rates have been disaggregated. Faculty salaries and college hiring practices are being disaggregated. If we are not careful the university will disassemble into a collection of privileged fiefdoms and poor service units. There are many things wrong with this pay-your-own-way policy. It threatens to starve programs that are critical to the intellectual life and educational mission of the university but lack commercial or political value. It takes resources away from undergraduate programs, the very core of the university. It violates one of the age-old commitments of academia, that learning and knowledge should not be entirely driven by the instrumental demands of the marketplace.

Leadership Vacuum? We are now moving into our second year without a permanent President. Why the Board of Regents has allowed the search to drag on is a mystery. Indeed the secrecy surrounding the process is unhealthy and alarming. In the meantime it is not clear whether Interim President Huntsman has the authority to move forward on the major challenges facing the

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

9 Vice Presidents
9 Vice Provosts
2    Chancellors
4    Vice Chancellors
10   Associate Vice Presidents
7  Associate Vice Provosts
3  Assistant Vice Presidents
2 Assistant Vice Provosts
16  Deans*
4 Divisional Deans
36  Associate Deans
12 Assistant Deans
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    109   Total

* 3 Deans also hold VP or Vice Provost titles

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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