NOTES FROM NADER
Genetic Engineers and the Food SupplyScientists'
ability to alter the molecular genetics of organisms far outstrips their capacity to
predict the consequences of these alterations.
The infant science of ecology is underequipped to predict the complex interactions
between engineered organisms and extant ones.
Our knowledge of the nutritional effects of genetic engineering is deeply
inadequate. Genetically engineered foods may inadvertently trigger massive and serious
allergies, and they may unintentionally introduce toxins into the food supply.
Even at the molecular level, unknows abound. Foreign gene insertions may change
the expression of other genes in unforeseeable ways. The very techniques used to effect
the incorporation of foreign genetic material in traditional food plants may make those
genes susceptible to further unwanted exchanges with other organisms. The risk to
biodiversity and the prospects of biological pollution are high.
Frankenfoods
Yet corporate promoters, led by Monsanto, DuPont and Novartis, are racing to be
first in genetically engineered product markets. Using crudely limited trial-and-error
techniques, they are playing a guessing game with the environment of flora and fauna, with
immensely intricate genetic organisms and with their customers on farms and grocery
stores.
The creation of pervasive uncertainty affecting billions of people and the planet
should invite, at least, a greater assumption of the burden of proof by corporate
instigators that their products are safe.
This is where the WTO exerts its influence.
Better Safe than Sorry? Not at the WTO
The WTO is structurally biased against precautionary action. Neither the U.S.
government nor anyone else can present scientific evidence that the products are in fact
safe (with the U.S. skirting safety testing requirements by declaring genetically
engineered food the "equivalent" of conventional foods).
But the WTO's overweening corporate bias empowers U.S. government officials to
demand on penalty of WTO challenges and potential sanctions that other nations justify
their biotech labeling requirements and restrictions with "sound science"
showing genetically engineered foods and products are unsafe.
And applying this logic, a WTO tribunal ruled against the European Union when it
tried to ban the imports of artificial hormone-treated U.S. beef. The European ban was not
backed up by any international standard or a WTO-approved risk assessment, and that was
enough for it to be ruled WTO-invalid, notwithstanding the common sense desire by the
Europeans to act to avoid unknown and unnecessary risks.
A de facto ban on the introduction of new genetically engineered foods in Europe,
and potentially in other countries, may soon be subject to a similar ruling.
Labeling at Risk
WTO rules even may permit successful challenges to biotech labeling requirements.
Just as the Clinton administration has argued against labeling of biotech foods in the
United States on the grounds that they are "equivalent" to conventional foods,
so it argues that other countries' initiatives to label genetically altered foods is not
based on international standards or on sound science, and is therefore WTO-illegal.
Nothing could more clearly reveal the upside-down corporatized logic of the WTO:
in the absence of anything remotely resembling sufficient science on the effects of
genetic engineering, countries that take conservative, precautionary measures to limit
biotech's risks are operating in violation of WTO rules.
Under the WTO regime, these countries must either abandon their precautionary
efforts, or, if they want to maintain laws and regulations to protect public health and
ecosystems from large unknowns, pay perpetual fines or accept perpetual trade sanctions.
Is this what is left of national self-determination?
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