by Oscar Rosales Castañeda
return to part 1
UW MEChA was much more than a political action group. Its efforts on behalf
of Chicano students and community members included a multifaceted focus on
social and cultural matters, as well as educational and political
objectives. Cultural organizations and initiatives sponsored or supported by
MEChA had a significant impact throughout the Pacific Northwest. The
cultural promotions of MEChA included Teatro Campesino, Chicano/Latino
graduation, Christmas “posadas,” Cinco de Mayo celebrations and other social
events to meet the needs of students who were often far removed from their
students also sponsored lecture and film series, rap sessions, food and
clothing drives, dances featuring acts like Little Joe, Eligio Salinas, and
Los Lobos, as well as numerous Latino festivities and workshops. In
addition, MEChA invited national leaders to the UW campus to talk to
students about events taking place in other parts of the country. Such
speakers included Cesar Chavez and Dolores Huerta of the United Farm Workers
of California, Reies Lopez Tijerina of the Alianza Federal de Mercedes in
New Mexico, Rodolfo “Corky” Gonzalez of the Crusade for Justice in Colorado,
Patricia Vasquez of the Mexican American Legal Defense and Education Fund (MALDEF),
and various other guests ranging from artists and poets to leaders of the La
Raza Unida Party.
The Puget Sound gave rise to a dance troupe called Los
Bailadores de Bronce (The Bronze Dancers), which soon developed into a
long-standing community institution.
Established primarily by faculty and staff from the University of Washington
in 1972, the group evolved to include community members. Its purpose was to
share Mexican dance, music, and cultural traditions with the community. As
the years progressed, the dance group performed all over the West Coast and
established itself as one of the oldest groups of its kind in the Northwest.
Los Bailadores de Bronce contributed to the cultural development of the
Chicano community in the Northwest, much like numerous other cultural
initiatives undertaken during this period.
El Teatro del Piojo was another key cultural entity that
developed under MEChA. Established in 1970 with the help of former UW
professor Tomas Ybarra-Frausto, the theatre collective reflected the reality
most Chicano students encountered growing up in rural Central Washington.
Inspired by El Teatro Campesino,
the UW group was comprised of students involved in both Las Chicanas and the
Brown Berets, including Epi Elizondo, Bea Maldonado, Rita Trujillo, Eseban
Sambrano, Genaro Apodaca, Sid Gallegos, Art Gallegos, and Cathy Cantu, among
El Teatro del Piojo was the first so-called ‘guerrilla
theatre’ group in the Northwest. Many of the short skits, or ‘actos,’ were
emblematic of this period of the movement, which emphasized the struggle in
the fields as well as the experience of alienation through interaction with
the dominant power structure. Throughout its existence from 1970 to 1979,
the group performed all over the West Coast and became a member of Teatros
Nacionales de Aztlan or TENAZ (National Theatre [Collectives] of Aztlan). El
Teatro del Piojo later spawned a more traditional acting troupe known as El
Teatro Quetzalcoatl, formed in 1975, which performed politically charged
plays. Often referred to as the "voice" of MEChA,
the theatre collective was instrumental in the emergence of the new Chicano
identity in the Northwest.
The journal Metamorfosis, produced out of El Centro de
Estudios Chicanos at the University of Washington, was another important
cultural component of the Chicano movement. Though it lasted only from 1977
to 1984, Metamorfosis was instrumental in providing a forum for
academic work on Chicano/Latino arts and culture in the Northwest during a
period when the movement at the national level was beginning to wane. The
journal was especially important considering the relative isolation of
Seattle from the Chicano cultural hubs of the southwest. Chicano scholarly
work in the Northwest would make an impression that, coupled with the
emergent muralist art movement, influenced the discourse on Chicano/Latino
identity in the State of Washington.
Chicano Art Movement in the Pacific Northwest
Seattle was the site of
ground-breaking work in the field of Chicano art during the 1970s, with much
of this work coming out of the University of Washington. Though Seattle
lacked the cultural nutrients of cities in the Southwest, local painters
Emilio Aguayo and Daniel Desiga became two of the most notable Chicano
artists through their connections to artist collectives in California and
the Southwest like the Rebel Chicano Art Front (RCAF), a Sacramento-based
artists’ collective that served as a major link between Movimiento art in
California and the Pacific Northwest. Seasoned artists from RCAF served as
mentors for young Chicano artists in the Northwest and also produced three
Pacific Northwest murals.
This inspiration, infused with a distinct style centered in
the Northwest, would be essential in the work done by Desiga. The only
Chicano artist of this period who was native to the area, Desiga's work is
emblematic of the Chicano experience in eastern Washington. Desiga’s
personal history as a product of farm worker origins is reflected in his
portrayal of male and female workers in rural eastern Washington. Some of
his notable work includes the murals at El Centro de La Raza in Seattle,
as well as a mural depicting Mexican farm workers, painted in 1990 in
Toppenish, Washington. His style, distinct from his contemporaries,
passionately engages the viewer in examining the socio-political context of
Chicano life in the Northwest. Along with Aguayo, Desiga is perhaps the most
influential Chicano muralist of the period.
Originally from Denver, Colorado, Emilio Aguayo made his way
to the Pacific Northwest in the early 1960’s. In 1971, while a student at
the University of Washington, Aguayo painted Aztlán, the first
Chicano mural in the region. The mural is now prominently displayed at the
University of Washington's Ethnic Cultural Center.
Upon completion of Aztlán, Aguayo wrote a description explaining the
imagery and the color scheme used in producing the final piece:
This mural embodies the dawning of a new era for all the Spanish
speaking people known as "LA RAZA." It is a cultural blend of past and
present, of Indian heritage, of man struggling alongside women in the human
conflict which is our drive for self-identity and self-determination. This
painting is visual testimony that as part of this society, we are part of
its past, its present and its future, something which as a people we will
not be denied.
We are also a people with ideas in heart, mind, soul, and spirit
who have lived a history of social oppression, yet....we have hopes for our
We are products of mankind--a composite of all races, all colors,
yet more the blend of Spaniard and Indian which forms the mestizo precursor
of the American Spanish-speaking, here 100 years and more before Columbus.
We had a civilization which predates Christ.
Present and past symbols of our cultural history comprise this
visual reality of early la raza art. Serpent and sun are symbols worshipped
by our ancestors as gods of life and earth. Earth now is symbolic only of
the nation within a nation we wish to build. The sun also symbolizes the
dawn of our self-awareness, the revolution in the mind we so desperately
need. The united farm workers flag is symbolic of first manifestations in
1965 of our current social movement. Man and woman symbolize the core of any
society, the family unit. In this case, the Raza family is what kept us
together in adversity.
Society is seen as a four-head monster of apocalypse, oppression
and universal troubles of mankind. It is seen as we see it and live it.
Society is thus a personification of oppressive evil now confront by social
change which is good.
Aztlan is an Indian term for the land of the southwest, land of
Spanish grants, area of our first beginnings, land of our greatest
population concentration in five states.
Colors of this mural
represents the five human races and the colors of earth in the southwest.
art movement of the 1970s produced the vast majority of the muralist imagery
that is still around today. However, one key exception is a work painted in
1945 by world-renowned artist Pablo O’Higgins entitled, "The Struggle
Against Racial Discrimination." O’Higgins moved to Mexico at the age of
twenty and studied under the guidance of Diego Rivera.
By the time he was commissioned to paint the mural in Seattle, he had
already achieved status as one of the great muralists of the period.
Although the O'Higgins mural predates the Chicano student movement, Chicano
student activists played a key role in restoring it to public view during
the 1970s, showing once again the importance of cultural politics in the
The mural was commissioned by the Shipscalers, Drydock and Miscellaneous
Workers Union in Seattle during a period when the union was involved in a
number of civil rights campaigns, including protesting the police shooting
of Eugene Mozee, a black service station owner, and supporting a fair
employment practices law pending in the state legislature.
Needless to say, this activism was ahead of its time. The civil rights
movement would take another two decades to come to the forefront after the
mural was completed in 1945. In addition to their progressive stance on
civil rights, the Shipscalers were emblematic of the radical labor politics
of the pre-World War II era. According to a UW Daily article written
in 1977, "many of them were militant—drawing on the labor movements of the
1930’s. Seattle was a little more than 20 years away from its 1919 general
strike and less than a dozen years away from a popular description of
Washington state: ‘The 47 states and the Soviet Socialist Republic of
Drawing upon this unique activity, O’Higgins coalesces both
militant labor imagery and issues of civil rights. Staying true to his
politics, he also incorporates Marxist imagery, much like his mentors did in
the Mexican Muralist Movement of the previous decade. The painting is unique
in the sense that it addresses the issue of social justice within a rights
discourse and points at ideas that were before their time in the 1940s. As
such, the O'Higgins mural is arguably the first of its kind in the
Northwest, considering that few of the Mexican Muralists ventured to the
region during that period.
The piece was first suppressed in 1955 during the McCarthy era and then
forgotten due to institutional negligence. It remained in storage until 1975
when, as Lauro Flores observes, "the impetus of the Chicano movement forced
its restoration and vindication."
The politics of public art were evident as subject material deemed too
controversial was set aside for a prolonged period until pressure from El
Centro de La Raza and UW MEChA convinced the University of Washington to
restore the mural. Now displayed in Kane Hall, the mural is invaluable not
only as a part of the history of the Chicano community of this area, but
also of the collective history of Washington State.
Even as the Chicano Movement subsided in the 1980s, the main
contributions to the arts lived on through the imagery of the muralist
movement. Despite the geographic isolation from cultural hubs in the
Southwest, the Chicano/Latino community has forged an identity that is
uniquely its own, that incorporates the geography of the Pacific Northwest
into its art. As Tomas Ybarra-Frausto has written, the “acute sense of
isolation and dislocation is tempered with a striving to generate new
horizons and new mythologies with an aim to reflect through literature
diverse aspects of Chicano life in the region.”
This identity survives despite the distance from the longer established
communities to the south; it is a reflection of La Raza’s relevance and
appeal in the northwest corner of the U.S.
The Fight for Chicano
The recruitment of
increased numbers of Chicano/a grad students, faculty, and staff had been at
the center of students' demands since the arrival of the first Chicanos to
the UW campus. This battle between students and university administration
would only intensify throughout the 1970s and early 1980s. At times,
frustration at the slow pace of change led to demonstrations, the occupation
of buildings, and the filing of complaints to state agencies dealing with
One of the first actions occurred in March of 1972 when students organized a
moratorium to stress the importance of hiring Chicano/a faculty at the UW.
Two years later the issue remained at the forefront of student grievances.
In May of 1974, forty students led by UW MEChA occupied the office of the
Chair of the Psychology Department at UW.
The sit-in was in response to inaction by the Psychology Department in
providing equal representation of Chicanos at the administrative, faculty,
staff and graduate student levels.
As the month
progressed, activity intensified as information about hiring practices came
out. On the 13th of May, between 75-100 students occupied and ransacked the
office of the Dean of the College of Arts & Sciences.
The protest was a result of the college's decision not to hire Dr. Carlos
Munoz as a new professor at UW, as well as the university's general
unwillingness to recruit Chicano faculty. The Munoz issue would be bitterly
debated over the next several years. According to former student activist
and current UW professor Erasmo Gamboa, “that incident is telling of the
difficulty and the problems in working within the University for change. The
University departments, faculty are not always accepting of change”
Munoz eventually joined the Department of Ethnic Studies at the University
of California at Berkeley, becoming a world-class scholar and one of the
most influential Chicano political scientists.
The decision to not hire
Munoz was still fresh on the minds of many as the 1974-1975 academic y ear
started. With the hiring issue still unresolved in the spring, a crisis
developed when support for the student protests led to the firing of the
head of the Chicano division of the Educational Opportunity Program.
Then in May the UW fired two more Chicano administrators for their
participation in activities protesting the university’s hiring practices.
As the week progressed, Chicano staff and faculty members resigned in
solidarity, leaving the Chicano Studies Program with an uncertain future.
For its part, MEChA responded with a resolution condemning the firings. A
week later, nearly 2,000 students converged on the administration building
at the University of Washington.
UW MEChA and the ASUW called for a two-day boycott of classes to protest the
hiring practices of the University's affirmative action program.
As with previous actions, this cause was met with support from various
student groups who joined the boycott in solidarity.
summer, the President of the University made an official apology and started
dialogue with faculty who had resigned. In the end, many of the staff and
faculty rescinded their letters of resignation and were reinstated.
This put MEChA at odds with faculty as students felt they were marginalized
during the talks and the primary issue was not addressed.
between students and faculty during the hiring debates further took shape in
1978 during what students deemed the transformation of the EOP programs. The
reorganization of EOP was met by resistance from students who felt their
voices were being silenced and that the high administration at the Office of
Minority Affairs was making decisions without consulting students who would
be affected by the proposed changes. UW MEChA occupied the Chicano Division
of the Educational Opportunity Program and organized a ‘sick-out’ with
counselors to protest the reorganization of the EOP program at UW.
The struggle expanded over
the next two years, culminating in the occupation of Schmitz Hall, the
central administration building at the University of Washington. Twenty
Asian and Chicano EOP students occupied the offices of EOP Vice-President
Herman Lujan on May 21st, 1980, demanding his resignation and an end to the
new restrictive admissions practices.
Throughout the week's protests, over 78 students, staff and community
members were arrested.
The 1980s signaled the end
of many of the initiatives pushed by the student movement. An ideological
shift away from cultural nationalism was one factor in the decline of
movement activism. The internal fissures present in a student movement that
included cultural nationalists, Chicano Marxists, as well as students who
advocated for a moderate stance and the conversion of the group into a
'social' organization also hampered the movement in the 1980s. This process
played out with various MEChA chapters in the Southwest as well.
Legacy of the Chicano Movement
Almost four decades after it began, the Chicano Movement
still has a visible impact. As a result of activism at the grassroots level
on the part of various communities of color, there has been a fundamental
change in how people talk about race, which is a lasting effect of the
broader Civil Rights Movement. The most visible results of the Chicano
Movement are still primarily within academia, with the establishment of
numerous student centers at college campuses all over the country that cater
to students of color as well as the establishment of Chicano Studies
Departments, research centers, academic journals, and so on.
The literary and art movements of the 1970s have also left an
indelible mark on the Chicano/Latino community. The production of art
centered on issues such as racism, human rights, and equal access to
education and employment continues today. The discourse has also expanded to
include issues of class, gender, nationality, and cultural identity.
Though the Chicano art movement of the late 1960s and early 1970s has waned,
the work these artists left behind continues to inspire today’s Chicano
youth and influence the discourse on Chicano culture.
At the local level, the movement gave rise to community
institutions, helping to build a Chicano community where none had existed
before. Alliances with other communities of color were essential to the
movement’s success. The broad alliance for civil rights that emerged allowed
for further progress within the Chicano community at a time when the local
population was miniscule in comparison to the urban Chicano communities of
the Southwest. This collaboration across racial lines was a unique
development in the Northwest, and is an integral part of the legacy of civil
rights activism in the region. The development of the Chicano community was
also a result of work that was done on both sides of the state, with
activism in the Yakima Valley providing an impetus for much of the activist
work in the Puget Sound region as people, especially students, migrated to
Activist youth organizations are also still operating on many
campuses. MEChA declined during the 1980s, with low numbers at many campuses
and many chapters becoming inactive, but has experienced a revival since the
mid 1990s, partly in response to the massive anti-immigrant backlash in
California, as well as the attacks on affirmative action and other programs
throughout the country.
The first National MEChA Conference was organized in 1994 at Arizona State
University. This was one of the first attempts to unite the various chapters
from around the country under similar goals. A National Coordinating
Committee was formed in the wake of the conference, as were regional bodies,
such as the Pacific Northwest MEChA Region, to take on issues at the local
Essentially, this meant that regions functioned as semi-autonomous chapters
with the ability to formulate their own policies in accordance with what was
needed. As such, the Pacific Northwest had a different focus than Southern
During this period, numerous colleges and high schools would
establish MEChA chapters for the first time, making the student-led
organization one of the largest in the country, with approximately 250
chapters from the West Coast all the way to the Northeast. It was also
during this time that the organization re-evaluated its stance on key issues
such as the struggle of indigenous peoples against neo-liberal economics and
support for human rights and economic justice, among others. The new stance
was outlined in the MEChA Philosophy Papers that were drafted in the late
1980s and early 1990s and officially adopted by the National Coordinating
The late 1990s witnessed renewed activist activity centered
on opposition to I-200 on the UW Campus. The initiative was voted into law
in November of 1998, officially removing the affirmative action policies
instituted at the state level in the 1960s and 1970s. The opposition to
I-200 echoed the concerns of the previous generation of Chicano student
activists as the issue of access to education once again came to the
forefront. An immediate impact was felt after the initiative passed with the
dramatic drop in students of color accepted into public universities. As a
result, MEChA joined forces with other organizations to organize and
implement informational events to assist prospective students in the process
of applying to schools. UW MEChA has organized the Adelante Con Educacion
Conference every year for the last twelve years. The conference is geared
toward the outreach and recruitment of prospective Chicano students from
throughout Washington State.
In 1999, the UW MEChA chapter once again mobilized students.
This time the occasion was the World Trade Organization ministerial, held in
Seattle in December of that year.
The contingent based out of the UW dressed in black and red as a sign of
solidarity with the Zapatistas in Chiapas, Mexico. Since 1994, the
Zapatistas have waged a battle against neo-liberal economic policy, which
not only makes living conditions worse for the poor and working classes, but
also threatens the very existence of the indigenous people in Mexico’s
The “Battle in Seattle,” as the WTO demonstrations were called, disrupted
the meetings and effectively ended the round of talks. More importantly, the
demonstrations drew international attention to the negative ramifications of
globalization for the world’s underclass.
Since the turn of the century, UW MEChA has been active in
issues ranging from support for House Bill 1079 in 2003, which allows
undocumented students to pay in-state tuition, to opposition to the wars in
Afghanistan and Iraq, as well as opposition to U.S. Intervention in Latin
The spring of 2006 saw the emergence of the Immigrants Rights
Movement at the national level in opposition to proposed House Resolution
A few days prior to the start of Spring Quarter at the UW, there were
massive rallies organized in Los Angeles and other major urban centers,
including mass walkouts from high schools throughout the Southwest. It took
only a few days before the first protests were organized in the Yakima
Valley, where 650-700 students walked out of Davis and Eisenhower High
Schools, and in the Columbia Basin, where Pasco High students were aided by
Columbia Basin College MEChA. Approximately a week after the Los Angeles
rally a march was organized in Yakima.
From there, the movement spread to colleges and universities as the Pacific
Northwest MEChA Region (PNMR) organized three simultaneous demonstrations at
Western Washington University, the University of Washington, and Central
In organizing the event, the PNMR made it a point to emphasize
human rights, not strictly Latino rights, and to resist attempts by the
media to portray the protests as Latino-centric. It was especially important
for demonstrators to be inclusive of other immigrant communities, as the
immigration bill under consideration would also adversely affect emigrants
from Asia, Africa, and Europe, in addition to the Americas. The action was a
success, with the event making it onto the front page of the University
of Washington Daily and sparking widespread discussion on campus.
At the City level, an organization called Comite Pro-Amnistia y
Justicia Social (Committee for Amnesty & Social Justice) took the lead in
organizing various events. The Committee, formed in 1999, was created with
the intent of organizing Latino immigrant communities around issues of
civil, labor, and human rights.
The group organizes many events throughout the year, including an annual
march on May 1st in solidarity with immigrant workers. The first major
immigration rights march was organized on March 18, 2006. The march received
little attention in the press, despite having over 5,000 participants. This
demonstration preceded the massive movement that would evolve later on that
On the first National Day of Action that was called for by
organizers, massive marches were organized simultaneously across the
On April 10th, Seattle hosted one of the largest non-violent marches in its
history, with approximately 50,000 participants filling the streets.
According to the Seattle Times, the march registered zero arrests.
The second march on May 1st had similar results as it registered
approximately 60,000 participants and coincided with a national one-day
boycott of all goods. The boycott received support in Latin America as news
of the movement made the international press. The massive groundswell of
opposition to H.R. 4437 has stalled the bill’s progress through Congress for
now. It appears as though there will be no action until after the 2006
The immigration rights movement still lacks direction as to what
strategy it will employ and what objectives it will seek. It emerged
organically as many people became aware of the implications associated with
the anti-immigrant backlash. However, the fact that the movement did emerge
highlights the importance of the issue and the need to address it in most
communities. The idea of the instant criminalization of millions of people
forced millions more to take a strong stance for the rights of all
individuals regardless of race, ethnicity, national origin, or legal status.
is hope for the future. The student walkouts this spring surpassed the L.A.
Blowouts of 1968 as the largest mass demonstration of high school students
in American history. The marches also stand as one of the largest
mobilizations of people for a non-violent movement. It remains to be seen
what will happen next, but as many of the marchers pointed out this spring,
“today we march, tomorrow we vote.”
Copyright(c) Oscar Rosales Castaneda 2006
McNair Scholarship project 2005-06
La Historia de MEChA, Internal Document for MEChA Executive Board,
1987, MEChA de UW Archives.
The Crusade for Justice was a community organization founded by
Gonzalez in Denver, Colorado in 1966. The organization operated a
school, a curio shop, a bookstore and a social center. It was most
notable for introducing the Chicano urban struggle and incorporating
youth into the emergent Chicano Movement.
In 1968 the Mexican American Legal Defense and Education Fund (MALDEF)
was organized in San Antonio, Texas. It was modeled after the NAACP
Legal Defense Fund.
La Raza Unida Party’s platform touched on economic development, the
system of justice in the United States, the role of women,
immigration, the selective service system, international affairs,
natural resources, transportation, health, welfare, and housing
among others (see
Youth, Identity, Power: The Chicano Movement. New York, N.Y.: Verso,
1989. p. 99-126).
The Bailadores de Bronce was one of the few groups founded during
the early 1970’s that is still in existence. The group performs at
various events throughout western Washington; see,
Initiated as a farmworker group, El Teatro Campesino was established
by Luis Valdez in 1965. It publicized the struggle of the farm
workers and Chicanos in one-act plays. The collective was also
instrumental in helping to establish other theatre groups.
Rodriguez Interview. 3 March 2006.
Chicano and Latino Artists of the Northwest Project at The Evergreen
State College. <http://www.evergreen.edu/library/chicanolatino/>
Brief description of the Aztlan mural at the UW Ethnic
Cultural Center’s Chicano Room, <http://depts.washington.edu/ecc/rooms_chicano.htm>
Emilio Aguayo, 1972, UW Ethnic Cultural Center; The Ethnic Cultural
Center and Theatre (ECC/T) opened its doors in the fall of 1972 at
the University of Washington. It was the first center of its kind in
the nation, making it the first building owned by a university to
serve primarily people of color and one of the first to be a hub for
cross-cultural exchange (For additional information, see < http://depts.washington.edu/ecc/aboutus.htm>).
Diego Rivera was one of the leading figures in 20th
Century Art. Rivera, Jose Clemente Orozco and David Alfaro Siqueiros
are know as ‘los tres grandes,’ and were at the forefront of
the Mexican Muralist Movement during the cultural renaissance of
post-revolutionary Mexico. The social realist style employed by the
muralists would have a profound impact on Latin America Art and
would serve as inspiration for the Chicano Art Movement of the 1960s
Johanson, “Mural still controversial 30 years later.” University
of Washington Daily. 2 Dec. 1977, p. 12.
Johanson, “Mural still controversial 30 years later.”
Rodriguez, MEChA Newsletter University of Washington, 1981,
p. 1-2, Jesus Rodriguez Papers, MEChA de UW Archives.
Gamboa Interview, Seattle Civil Rights & Labor History Project. 1
November by 2006 Trevor Griffey and Angelita Chavez
The Daily Jalapeno, EOP Take-Over Edition, UW MEChA Newsletter, 21
May 1980, MEChA de UW Archives.
The Daily Jalapeno, 21 May 1980, MEChA de UW Archives.
The Philosophy of M.E.Ch.A. last revised at 1999 National
MEChA Conference in Phoenix, Arizona.
Occupied America, p. 391-95
The Pacific Northwest MEChA Region (PNMR) is a student organization
that is coordinated by all the active MEChA chapters in Washington
and Idaho, including universities such as the UW, WSU, WWU, EWU, CWU,
and the various community colleges and high schools that are
affiliated and recognized by the member organizations.
The Philosophy of M.E.Ch.A.
Interview with Miguel Bocanegra and Randy Nunez, The WTO History
Fredman, MEChA Rallies for Legislation, UW Daily 23 Jan. 2003,
H.R. 4437 is available at <http://thomas.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/z?c109:H.R.4437.RFS:>
The first major march took place in Chicago, Illinois on March 10,
2006. The Chicago march attracted approximately 300,000
participants. The movement would take off in Los Angeles with one of
the largest demonstrations in the city’s history which brought
700,000-1 Million people to the steps of L.A.’s city hall.
The march in Yakima held on April 2, 2006 attracted over 4,000
For more information, see <http://www.comiteproamnistia.org/eng.html>
There were two major events calling for National Action which took
place April 10, 2006 and May 1, 2006. Both events were organized on
a scale previously unseen as marches were held all over the United
States, from the major urban centers, to small towns.
Estimate varies from a conservative 45,000 to 65,000.
Turnbull, “Immigration Rally floods the Streets.” The Seattle
Times. 11 April. 2006, p. 1, 10.