The Western
Regions according to the Hou Hanshu
The Xiyu
juan
“Chapter on
the Western Regions”
from Hou Hanshu 88
Second
Edition
(Extensively revised with
additional notes and appendices)
Translated by John E. Hill
©
September
2003
Dedicated to my Mother and
Father who taught me the joys of exploring new places, different cultures, and
other times.
Acknowledgements
I am continually awed and inspired by the
masterful works of the great early scholars, Friedrich Hirth, Édouard Chavannes,
and Sir Aurel Stein who did so much to bring this fascinating period of history
to the attention of the western world, and make it accessible to us all. I can
only hope that this present work provides a worthy development of their
pioneering efforts.
I am also deeply grateful to the many people who have so generously
shared their time and knowledge to make this project possible. Many I have never
met in person and yet I owe them a great debt. I hope that making this
translation freely available will in some measure repay their efforts. Special
thanks must go to Professor Edwin G. Pulleyblank who, completely unasked,
generously supplied copies of many key texts that first set my studies on a firm
footing; to Professor Fida M. Hassnain who shared his boundless enthusiasm and
knowledge of the rich history and traditions of his beloved Kashmir and Ladakh;
to the late Fr. Yves Raguin whose patience with my endless queries on obscure
Chinese terms and concepts was untiring even in illness; to Richard Wong, wise
friend and mentor over many years; to Professor Daniel Waugh for encouraging me
and making it possible to have my work available to all on the World Wide Web;
and our Librarians at the Cook Centennial Library, Cooktown, Australia who have
so patiently sought out obscure books and articles for me over the years.
Finally, to the scores of others who have so generously contributed their time
and their knowledge – this is your work as well as
mine – I hope it fulfils your expectations.
“Research is a community business.”
Fr. Yves Raguin, S.J.
(1912-2000)
Response to the draft version on the Silk Road
Seattle website
I am deeply indebted to Professor Daniel Waugh
of the University of Washington for encouraging me to begin making my
translations available on the World Wide Web, even though they still needed some
revision and the notes were incomplete, and seek input from readers before they
are published in their final form. Special thanks also to Lance Jenott who
patiently transcribed the document into HTML and prepared it for publication on
the Web.
The first draft of this book was posted on the
Silk Road Seattle website in May 2000 with a request for comments and
suggestions from readers. The response has been beyond all expectations. I would
like to thank all those who took the time to write – it is really encouraging to know that so many
people appreciate and will use one’s work. As well as the numerous
congratulatory letters – I have received, and continue to receive much
generous help, copies of articles, and much useful information which I have been
able to include in this revised and expanded edition.
I have also revised and made a number of major
and many minor additions and corrections to my earlier draft editions. In
particular, I should note the changes I have made regarding the identification
of a number of towns in Parthian territory which has led me to a completely
revised itinerary for the travels of the Chinese envoy Gan Ying in 97
CE; notes on a probable dating of the introduction
of sericulture to Khotan in the early 1st century CE; (somewhat tentative) identifications for all five Yuezhi
xihou or ‘princedoms’ just prior to their unification into a Kushan state under
Kujula Kadphises, some new proposals regarding the names and titles of the early
Kushans and their dates, and a proposal that these Kushans under Kujula may have
invaded eastern Parthia in 55 CE.
I should caution the reader that much of this
new information is based on data that is extremely sparse, and that sometimes my
interpretations differ from those of others. I have tried my best to muster all
the evidence in the notes for my own interpretations as well as for any major
contending theories. Some of these questions, however, will be unable to be
definitively resolved until new historical or archaeological data becomes
available.
The many helpful responses I received to the
posting of the first draft have been invaluable providing a wide variety of
expert comment and assistance and has put me in touch with interested colleagues
around the world. I hope that more readers will take the time to contact me if
they have anything they would like to add or see changed. Your suggestions could
be incorporated in future revisions. My aim is to make this translation as
accurate and useful as I can so that it is a reliable tool and provides a sound
basis for future studies in the field.
The wide-ranging feedback from
scholars around the world has been far greater than I ever expected. Each person
has contributed in a significant way. Each contribution has been of help, often
opening new areas of research and providing invaluable links to further
information.
Many of you have very kindly sent me copies of your own publications and
notes as well as providing an amazing stream of correspondence filled with
comments, suggestions and encouragement. Your contributions, and those of many
of the people mentioned in the earlier acknowledgements, are far too many and
varied for me to list here.
Your kind assistance has been far greater and more important to the
success of this project than I could ever have imagined. Please excuse me for
just listing your names here. However, most of you will also be found mentioned
either in my Notes or the Bibliography. Please excuse me also if I have missed
out on your titles (or given the wrong ones) or worst of all, I have missed you
out altogether. I would be grateful if you would let me know if there are any
omissions or mistakes so I can correct them in later editions.
Included in the long list of generous contributors to my research for
this book are: Nettie K. Adams; Dr. Farhad Assar; Thomas Bartlett; Professor
Christopher Beckwith; Dr. Craig Benjamin; Professor Alison Betts; Professor E.
Bruce Brooks; Professor Mathew Ciolek; Professor Étienne de la Vaissière; Chris
M. Dorn’eich; Professor Richard N. Frye; Douglas Gibbons; Dan Gibson; Gaston Giulliani; Dr. Irene L. Good; Dr. David T. Graf; Paul Greenhall; Chris Hopkins; Whalen
Lai; Valérie Lefebvre-Aladwi; Lin Xiangqi; Renzo Lucherini; Pavel Lurje; Thomas K. Mallon McCorgray; Professor Daniel L.
McKinley; Raoul McLaughlin; Felicitas Maeder; Professor Victor M. Mair; Josef
Maier; Professor Irina Merzliakova; John Moffett;
Khademi Nadooshan; Professor Giorgio Nebbia; Mark Passehl; Lic. Paola Raffetta;
Joachim K. Rennstich; Janet Rizvi; Peter Rowland; Dr. Edmund Ryden; Orit Shamir;
Professor Steven Sidebotham; Professor Nicholas Sims-Williams; Sören Stark; Dr. Sebastian Stride; Dr. Mehmet
Tezcan; Professor Eric Uphill; Professor Donald B. Wagner.
Please know that I am deeply indebted and extremely grateful to you all.
Any mistakes are mine.
The Western Regions
according to the Hou Hanshu
3 –The
Kingdom of Jumi 拘彌 (modern Keriya or Yutian)
4 –The
Kingdom of Yutian 于寘 (Khotan)
5 –The
Kingdom of Xiye 西夜
(Karghalik)
6 –
The Kingdom of Zihe 子合 (Shahidulla)
7 –
The Kingdom of Dere德若
8 –
The Kingdom of Wuyishanli 烏弋山離 (Arachosia and Drangiana)
9 –
The Kingdom of Tiaozhi 條支
(Characene and
Susiana)
10 –
The Kingdom of Anxi 安息
(the Parthian
Empire)
11 –
The Kingdom of Da Qin 大秦
(the Roman Empire)
12 –
The Products of Da Qin (the Roman Empire)
13 –
The Kingdom of the Da Yuezhi 大月氏
(the Kushans)
14 –The
Kingdom of Gaofu 高附
(Kabul)
15 –The
Kingdom of Tianzhu 天竺 (Northwestern India)
16 –The
Kingdom of Dongli 東離 – The ‘Eastern Division’ (of the Kushan
Empire)
17 –
The Kingdom of Liyi 栗弋
(Sogdiana)
18 –
The Kingdom of Yan 嚴
19 –The
Kingdom of Alanliao 阿蘭聊 (the Alans)
20 –
The Kingdom of Suoche 莎車
(Yarkand)
21 –
The Kingdom of Shule 疏勒 (Kashgar)
22 –
The Kingdom of Yanqi 焉耆
(Karashahr)
23 –
The Kingdom of Pulei 蒲類 (transported from Barkol)
24 –
The Kingdom of Yizhi 移支 (Barkol)
25 –
The Kingdom of Eastern Qiemi 東且彌
26 –
The Kingdom of Nearer [i.e. Southern] Jushi 車師前 (Turfan)
27 –
The Kingdom of Further [i.e. Northern] Jushi 車師後部
(Jimasa)
30 –
Appendices
Appendix
A: The Introduction of Silk Cultivation to Khotan in the 1st Century
CE.
Appendix
B: The Story of “Sea Silk”.
Appendix
C: Wild Silks in Ancient Times.
Appendix
D: Gan Ying’s Route to the Persian Gulf.
Appendix
E: Speculations on the Dates of the Early Kushans.
Appendix
F: Comments on the Names and Titles of
Qiujiu Que 丘就卻
(Kujula Kadphises) and his son
Yan Gaozhen 閻高珍 (Wema Taktu).
31 -
Bibliography
PREFACE
By about 6,000 years ago horses had been domesticated by the nomads of
the vast Eurasian steppe-lands. This was soon followed by the domestication of
the dromedary and the Bactrian camel. This resulted in vastly increased mobility
and the capacity to carry heavy loads which, in turn, led to the development of
rapidly expanding trade and cultural exchanges between widely separated
populations.
Grasslands stretch like a vast highway just north of the main
agricultural regions and urban centres from the shores of the Pacific all the
way to Africa, and deep into the heart of Europe. This provided ideal conditions
for movements of both mounted warriors and caravans. The joining together of a
multitude of local routes led to the development of long-distance networks right
across the vast Afro-Eurasian landmass by about 2,000 BCE.1
This ‘Royal Road’ linked in to many other routes – some of them, such as the routes to India and
Central Asia, were also protected by the Achaemenids, ensuring regular contact
between India, Mesopotamia and the Mediterranean.
Another very ancient series of routes linked Badakhshān in northeastern Afghanistan – the only known source of lapis lazuli in the
ancient world – with Mesopotamia and Egypt by the second half
of the fourth millennium BCE, and by the third millennium with the Harappan
civilization in the Indus valley.2
By the second millennium nephrite jade was being traded from mines in the
region of Yarkand and Khotan to China. Significantly, these mines were not very
far from the lapis lazuli and spinel (‘Balas Ruby’) mines in
Badakhshān and, although separated by the formidable Pamir, routes
across them were, apparently, in use from very early
times.
Alexander’s successors, the Ptolemies, inherited control of Egypt, and
actively promoted trade with Mesopotamia, India, and East Africa through their
ports on the Red Sea coast, as well as overland. Soon after the Roman conquest
of Egypt in 30
BCE, regular communications and
trade between China, Southeast Asia, India, Sri Lanka, the Middle East, Africa
and Europe suddenly blossomed to a scale never seen before. A vast network of
local overland and maritime trade routes were fully linked and novel products,
technologies and ideas began to spread right across the continents of Europe,
Asia and Africa.
Intercontinental trade and communications became regular, organised, and
protected by the ‘Great Powers’ of the day. These exchanges were critical not
only for the development and flowering of the great civilisations of Rome, China
and India, but they laid the foundations of our modern
world.
Several of the most important Chinese texts relating to the early
development of the “Silk Routes” were never available in full in English
translation. These include the ‘Chapter on the Western Regions’ plus several
biographies of the main Chinese generals who expanded Chinese power to the west
from the Hou Hanshu (covering the period from 25-220 CE), and a third century geographical text called the
Weilue.
My aim has been to publish up-to-date, fully annotated translations of
these texts, but the project has taken much longer than I had initially
envisioned. This initial publication on the Web has proved to be a very valuable
way of overcoming my isolation and lack of access to research
facilities.
I do hope that you, the reader, will be able to share some of my wonder
and delight at being able to look back almost 2,000 years upon a world
containing so many remarkable parallels to our own. The hard-won lessons that
the ancients have passed on to us can, I believe, help provide us with the
knowledge we so desperately need to bridge the gaps between East and West,
between the haves and have-nots, if we are to survive this new century.
Readers are encouraged to forward any comments or suggestions so they can
be taken into account in future revisions. Please contact me directly
– not through the Silk Road Seattle website. I
will try to answer any questions – my contact details are:
John E. Hill
PO Box 467
Cooktown,
Qld.,
AUSTRALIA 4871
Email: wynhill@bigpond.com
The portion of this chapter on the Western Regions dealing with Da Qin
(the Roman Empire), was first published in English by Friedrich Hirth in 1875
and is available in his very useful book, China and the Roman Orient,
republished recently by Ares Publishers in Chicago. This book contains many
other texts of interest, and the Chinese originals of each, accompanied by
excellent, though somewhat dated, notes.
The whole of the ‘Chapter on the Western Regions,’ other than the section
on Da Qin, was translated into French and richly annotated by the famous
sinologue, Édouard Chavannes, in “Les pays d’Occident d’après le Heou Han
chou” in T’oung pao 8 (1907), pp. 149-221. He added to it three short
biographies of Chinese generals and the Chinese text. Most of Chavannes’ copious
notes are still relevant but, of course, like Hirth’s, many of them have needed
updating.
Hirth’s pioneering work on the texts relating to the ‘Roman Orient’ is
supplemented by the recent and useful The Roman Empire in Chinese Sources
by D. D. Leslie and K. H. J. Gardiner, Bardi Editore, Roma, 1996. This work
contains translations of almost all of the relevant texts relating to the Roman
Empire and copious notes but, unfortunately, is rather hard to find, and does
not include the Chinese originals. It does, however, contain material
unavailable elsewhere in English and is a useful
reference.
As the Chinese text is quite ancient, there are some passages that are
difficult, or even impossible, to translate with confidence. There are
particular problems with the identification of many places and products, as
terms have fallen out of use over time. Some of my identifications are fairly
speculative and often differ from the suggestions of other scholars.
Identifications that are generally accepted have been included with minimal
comments and notes.
Readers looking for further information are referred to the works
mentioned above and the excellent and indispensable annotated translation of
Chapters 61 and 96 of the Hanshu by A. F. P. Hulsewé‚ and M. A. N. Lowe
in their China in Central Asia, Leiden, E. J. Brill, 1979 (including
detailed notes on the identification of many place-names also found in the
Hou Hanshu), and the very readable Records of the Grand Historian of
China: Translated from the Shih chi of Ssu-ma Ch’ien by Burton Watson,
Columbia University Press, New York and London, 1961, especially Chapter 123:
The Account of Ta-yüan, on pp. 264-289.
The Hou Hanshu, the official history of the Later (or ‘Eastern’)
Han Dynasty (25-221 CE), was compiled by Fan Ye, who died in 445 CE. Fan Ye used a number of earlier histories, including the
Shiji by Sima Qian and the Hanshu by Ban Gu plus many others
(including some that were also entitled Hou Hanshu), most of which have
not survived intact.
Fan Ye, himself, briefly describes in the text his main sources for the
Chapter on the Western Regions in his Commentary at the end of the chapter:
“Ban Gu has recorded in detail the local
conditions and customs of each kingdom in the Hanshu [History of the
Former Han Dynasty].
Now, the
events of the jianwu period (25-55 CE) onward have been revised for this Section on the Western
Regions, using those that differ from earlier records, as reported by Ban Yong
at the end of the reign of Emperor An (107-125 CE).”
A quick examination of the texts will show that Fan Ye, as he indicates,
has borrowed much from the accounts of the Western Regions in the Hanshu,
but there is also a considerable amount of interesting additional material. Fan
Ye specifies that much of his information comes from the account of General Ban
Yong, presented to the Emperor in 125.
Ban Yong not only had his own extensive first-hand experiences in the
west to draw on, but also those of his famous father, Ban Chao, who did so much
to extend Chinese power to the west. These included the reports of his father’s
envoy, Gan Ying, who reached the shores of the Persian Gulf in 97 CE, and gathered what information he could on the Roman
Empire.
Fan Ye has added a few updates for the period after 125 CE on the regions under direct Chinese control. The new
information in this chapter on the Western Regions based, as it is, mainly on
first-hand military reports, offers us a unique, and unusually accurate view of
the countries, peoples, and events of the time.
I have divided the text into numbered and headed
sections to make it more accessible to the reader. Modern place-name equivalents
are in rounded brackets after the Chinese names. Many are well-established and
widely accepted. Those that are only tentatively identified are indicated with a
question mark and the evidence is discussed in the notes.
It should be remembered that the modern place-names I have given might
only refer to the general location of the ancient sites mentioned in the text. I
have usually employed only the name of the nearest modern town, or the main town
of an oasis. For example, the identification of Mulu as modern Merv only points
to the oasis itself, not the specific location of the ancient town of Mulu.
Likewise, the oasis of Kashgar (Shule) contained several towns, as it still
does, and these are sometimes referred to individually. Literal translations of
place-names and products have been placed within single inverted commas as:
‘Eastern Division.’
Some Chinese words have no exact equivalent in English. One such example
is the word 城 cheng, which literally translates as ‘walled town,’ but it was
also used for large towns that were not walled. It is sometimes rendered ‘city,’
but only a handful of the cheng mentioned in the Hou Hanshu would
be large enough to be called a ‘city’ in our age of megalopolises. Most of them
were what we would think of as country towns or provincial capitals. I have
translated the word simply as ‘town’ and leave it to the reader to add the
nuances according to the context.
Similarly, 國 guo is
used to refer to entities ranging from tiny fiefdoms to entire empires and can
be translated as ‘kingdom,’ ‘fief,’ ‘nation,’ ‘state,’ ‘country’ or ‘empire.’ I
have usually translated it as ‘kingdom,’ unless the context specifically
indicates otherwise, as most of these entities seem to have had a hereditary
system of rulers.
For similar reasons, I have used “Western Regions” for the
term
西域 xiyu
rather than the usual translation as “Western Countries.” Also, I should
emphasize that xiyu is sometimes used in the specific sense of the
kingdoms actually controlled by China on the routes to the west of “China
Proper” (the “Inner” region – that is, the land within the Wall), and
sometimes in the far more general sense of all countries to the west of
China.
Territories referred to as ‘Han,’ ‘Tianzhu’ (India), ‘Anxi’ (Parthia), or
‘Da Qin’ (Rome) were sometimes used very specifically for the home territory,
but sometimes far more loosely for territories controlled by, or tributary to,
the main seat of power. Thus, in the Hou Hanshu, we find references to
the ‘King of Da Qin’ (that is, the king of Rome) and, at the same time, subject territories such as Egypt, or the ‘Roman Orient,’ are also referred to
simply as Da Qin. A modern example of this process can be found in the use of
‘Mexico’ by Mexicans to refer to both their capital city and their
country.
Because the older Wade-Giles system of Romanizing Chinese is still
commonly used, the reader will find it in many of the quotes given in my notes.
This is unfortunate, but unavoidable. I have, therefore, included Wade-Giles
equivalents within square brackets and in italics after the Pinyin for many
names and terms to assist the non-specialist reader.
As I have noted above, I have refrained from adding Chinese character to
the translation itself to make it more accessible and readable for
non-specialists. However, the Chinese character for all the major names and
terms should be found in the appropriate notes.
For those wishing to check the reconstructed ancient pronunciations I
highly recommend checking first Pulleyblank’s masterful Lexicon of
Reconstructed Pronunciation in Early Middle Chinese, Late Middle Chinese, and
Early Mandarin (1991). UBC Press, Vancouver. It is arranged alphabetically
according to the Pinyin renderings and also contains references to the entries
in Karlgren’s earlier, but still useful, Grammata Serica, and provides,
probably, the easiest way of checking for characters in that work which is
notoriously difficult to access.
I would like to add a word of caution to the reader here that the
reconstructions are really only reliable back to the period of the Qieyun
dictionary (completed in 601 CE), as Pulleyblank himself notes on p. 20 of his
Lexicon. This means there was a gap of over 400 years between the Ban
Yong’s report to the Emperor c. 125 CE and the best phonetic reconstructions for the characters
we have at our disposal. It should also be noted that there were probably
significant dialectical differences between the Chinese soldiers and settlers on
the northwest frontiers and the inhabitants of the capital. So, although the
reconstructions back to the late 6th century are frequently useful in helping to
identify place names, it must be kept in mind that there were undoubtedly
phonetic changes over the intervening centuries that we can only guess at. I
have indicated such reconstructions in the text by the abbreviation “EMC” (for “Early Modern Chinese”). I have also frequently included the reconstructions
of “Archaic Chinese” according to Karlgren’s earlier Grammata Serica in which he attempts to
reconstruct pronunciations back to the Chou period (up to circa 220 BCE). These
reconstructions of “Archaic Chinese” are indicated by the use of a preceding
asterisk *. These are followed by Karlgren’s “Ancient Chinese” which are his
reconstructions for the period equivalent to Pulleyblank’s EMC. Also, as entries
are often difficult to find in Karlgren’s book I have included his numbering
system preceded by “K.”, so a typical entry from his work will look like this:
K. 139s *g’ân / γân.
I have made a number of rather lengthy quotations in the notes. This is
because I believe they are of importance, well-stated, and of particular
interest. This material is not being used in any commercial way. However, if any
of the authors have objections to my use of so much of their material I hope
they will contact me and I will gladly make adjustments.
For the translation itself I have followed the Chinese text according to
the Zhonghua Shuju edition of the Hou Hanshu, Shanghai, 1965; reprint
1973, juan 88 (liejuan 78), pp. 2909-2932, and checked critical
passages against other, earlier, editions. I take full responsibility for all
mistakes.
FONTS
I have avoided using Chinese characters and diacritics in the Text
itself, so it should all be
readable to practically everyone.
The Notes and Appendices of this document will require the enabling of
“Unicode” Chinese characters. Most modern computer programs come with the
ability to use Chinese characters but some readers may have to install or enable
them in their browser to be able to read the Notes and Appendices
properly.
Many characters with diacritics (or “accents”) are difficult to reproduce
in the WEB’s HTML coding. For this reason I have used “Gentium” as it has a wide variety of diacritics and is available in forms designed for both Microsoft and Mac computers. It is freely available to download and use. However, most browsers – even without this font should reproduce most of the
text (except some accented letters) well enough to follow.
The use of “Gentium” has allowed me accurately represent most
diacritics employed in the quotes with the exception of the “d” and “t” with a
curved accents over them, which I have indicated by a “ đ ”, and a “ ť ”
respectively.
If you don't have the Gentium font already on your computer, it may be downloaded
and installed from this site [Windows | Mac]. Fortunately, it is not a large file, and so should not take too long to download and install in your
“Fonts” folder.
In spite of this, some readers may still experience difficulties.
However, I believe that most of the notes will be meaningful even if the odd
character is missed. If readers continue to have problems, or need help with a
particular passage, please do not contact the Webmaster, but do feel free to
contact the author at: wynhill@bigpond.com and I will try to help
you.
MEASUREMENTS
The basic units of measurement employed in the
Hou Hanshu, the 里 li and
the
尺 chi, have
varied considerably through the ages and, at times, from district to district.
Fortunately, however, they remained stable over the Qin and Han periods and a
bronze standard measure, dated 9 CE, has been preserved at the Imperial Palace in Beijing.
This has allowed accurate conversions to modern
measurements.
The li was calculated by Dubs to be 415.8 metres (1955): 160, n.
7. See also Chapter IV, Appendix I, Standard Weights and Measures of Han Times,
ibid., 276-280. In most cases, I have given the exact equivalents to the
nearest kilometre based on this measurement, even when the number of li
given is obviously an approximation (e.g. 8,000 or 10,000 li). For
relatively short distances (less than 100 li), I have calculated to the
nearest tenth of a kilometre.
Most, though not all, of the distances between places given in the Hou
Hanshu, which I have been able to check have proved to be surprisingly
accurate, especially in areas controlled by the Chinese. At other times,
however, there are what seem to be obvious mistakes in the text. Sometimes this
may be because it is not clear which of several alternative routes was used.
Occasionally, especially over longer distances, and in the case of places far
from China, the figures given are wildly out.
I have based all other conversions of Chinese measurements on the values
calculated by Wan Kuo-ting for the Qin and Han periods as described by A. F. P.
Hulsewé‚ in T’oung pao Archives, Vol. XLIX, Livre 3, 1961: 206-207. The
Han chi, or ‘foot’ is given here as equalling 0.231 metres (or 9.095
inches).
I have converted distances mentioned in quotes from Western Roman and
Greek authors as follows: the Greek stadium as 201.5 metres, the Roman stadium
as 185 metres, and the Roman mile as 1,482 metres.
The
Western Regions according to the Hou Hanshu
Section 1 – Historical Background
In the period of Emperor Wu [140-87 BCE], the Western Regions1 were under the
control of the Interior [China].2 They numbered
thirty-six kingdoms. The Imperial Government established a Commandant of
Imperial Envoys3 there to direct
and protect these countries. Emperor Xuan [73-49 BCE] changed this title [in 59 BCE] to Protector General.4 Emperor Yuan
[40-33 BCE] installed both a Mao and a Ji
Commandant5 to take charge
of the State Farms on the frontier of the king of Nearer Jushi (Turfan).6
During the time of Emperor Ai [6 BCE-1 CE] and Emperor Ping [1-5 CE], the principalities of the Western Regions split up and
formed fifty-five kingdoms. Wang Mang, after he usurped the Throne [in 9
CE], demoted their kings to marquesses. Following
this, the Western Regions became resentful, and rebelled. They, therefore, broke
off all relations with the Middle Kingdom and, all together, submitted to the
Xiongnu7 again.
The Xiongnu collected oppressively heavy taxes.
The kingdoms were not able to support their demands. In the middle of the
jianwu period [25-55 CE], they each sent envoys to ask if they could submit to the
Middle Kingdom, and to express their desire for a Protector General. Emperor
Guangwu [25-57 CE], deciding that they had not really come for the sake of
the security of the Empire, and that he had no time for outside affairs, flatly
refused his consent.
In the meantime, the Xiongnu became weaker. The
king of Suoche (Yarkand),8 named Xian, wiped
out several kingdoms. After Xian’s death, they began to attack and fight each
other. Xiao Yuan,9 Jingjue
(Niya),10 Ronglu (south of
Niya),11 and Qiemo
(Charchan)12 were annexed by
Shanshan (the region of Lop Nor, with the capital near modern Ruoqiang or
Kharghalik).13 Qule (south of
Keriya)14 and Pishan (modern
Pishan or Guma)15 were conquered by
Yutian (Khotan),16 which completely
occupied them. Yuli,17 Danhuan,18 Guhu,19 and
Wutanzili20 (along the route
north of the Tianshan mountains) were wiped out by Jushi (Turfan/Jimasa).21 Later these
kingdoms were re-established.22
During the yongping period [58-75
CE], the Northern Savages (i.e., the Northern
Xiongnu)23 forced several
countries to help them plunder the commanderies and districts of Hexi.24 The gates of the
towns stayed shut in broad daylight.
In the sixteenth year [73 CE], Emperor Ming ordered his generals to lead an expedition
north against the Xiongnu. They took the territory of Yiwulu (Hami)25 and established a
Commandant in Charge of Crops there to set up a State Farm.26 Communications
with the Western Regions followed these events. Yutian (Khotan) and the other
kingdoms all sent sons to serve [the Emperor]. Relations with the Western
Regions had been cut for sixty-five years [9-73 CE] before they were restored. A Protector General and
Mao and Ji Commandants were established in the following year [74
CE].
When Emperor Ming died, Yanqi (Karashahr)27 and Qiuci
(Kucha)28 attacked and killed
the Protector General Chen Mu [75 CE] and all who were with him. The Xiongnu and Jushi
(Turfan/Jimasa) besieged the Mao and Ji Commandants.
In the spring of the first jianchu year
[76 CE], the Governor29 of Jiuquan
(one of the four commanderies of Hexi, centred near the modern town of the same
name in the Gansu corridor), Duan Peng, soundly defeated Jushi (Turfan-Jimasa)
near the town of Jiaohe (Yarkhoto, 20 li west of Turfan).30
Emperor Zhang [76-88 CE], not wishing to exhaust and ruin the Middle Kingdom in
the affairs of the Yi and Di,31 sent for the
Mao and Ji Commandants to return, and did not appoint another
Protector General. In the second year [77 CE], he abolished the State Farms at Yiwu (Hami). After that,
the Xiongnu sent soldiers to supervise Yiwu (Hami). At the same time Division
Commander32 Ban Chao
stayed at Yutian (Khotan), pacifying and reuniting all the kingdoms.
In the first yongyuan year [89
CE], during the reign of Emperor He, the
General-in-Chief33 Dou Xian had a
great victory over the Xiongnu. In the second year [90 CE], (Dou) Xian sent Deputy Commandant34 Yan Pan, at
the head of more than 2,000 cavalry, on a surprise attack against Yiwu (Hami),
which he conquered.
In the third year [91 CE], Ban Chao finally succeeded in pacifying the Western
Regions. (Ban) Chao was then given the title of Protector General and stationed
at Qiuci (Kucha). The Mao and Ji Commandants were re-established
and, commanding five hundred soldiers, were stationed with the Nearer Jushi
tribe within the walls of Gaochang (Karakhoja –
70 li or 29 km southeast of
Turfan).35 In addition, a
Mao Troop Captain36 was established and
stationed with the Further Jushi (Jimasa). The Captain was 500 li (208
km) from the town [of Gaochang].37
In the sixth year [94 CE], Ban Chao again attacked and defeated Yanqi (Karashahr).
Following this, more than fifty kingdoms presented hostages, and submitted to
the Empire. The kingdoms such as Tiaozhi (Characene and Susiana),38 Anxi
(Parthia),39 and all the
kingdoms as far as the shores of the sea more than 40,000 li (16,632 km)
away, all offered tribute, using several successive interpreters to communicate.
In the ninth year [97 CE], Ban Chao sent his Subaltern40 Gan Ying, who probed as far as the Western
Sea, and then returned. Previous generations never reached these regions. The
Shanjing41 gives no details on
them. No doubt he prepared a report on their customs and investigated their
precious and unusual [products]. After this, distant kingdoms [such as] Mengqi
and Doule42 all came to submit,
and sent envoys offering tribute.
Following the death of Emperor Xiaohe [in
105 CE], the Western Regions rebelled. In the first
yongchu year [107 CE], of the reign of Emperor An, the Protectors General Ren
Shang43 and Duan
Xi,44 and others,
were surrounded and attacked several times. The Imperial Government proclaimed
that the post of Protector General should be abolished because these regions
were remote, difficult, and dangerous to reach. From this time, therefore, the
Western Regions were abandoned. The Northern Xiongnu immediately took control
and united all the kingdoms again. They [the Northern Xiongnu] raided the
frontier with their cooperation, for more than ten years. The Governor of
Dunhuang,45 Cao Zong, was
concerned about their violence and killings.
Then, in the sixth yuanchu year [119
CE], the Emperor sent the Acting Aide46 Suo Ban to take
more than a thousand men with him to garrison and pacify Yiwu (Hami). After
this, the king of Nearer Jushi (Turfan) and the king of Shanshan (Charkhlik)
came to submit.
Several months later the Northern Xiongnu
resumed control over the king of the tribe of Further Jushi. Together they
attacked and killed (Suo) Ban and others. Then they attacked the king of the
Nearer [Jushi], forcing him to flee. Shanshan (Charkhlik) sent an urgent request
to Cao Zong for assistance. (Cao) Zong therefore requested that troops be sent
to attack the Xiongnu, and avenge the outrage against Suo Ban. He wanted to keep
forging ahead again in the Western Regions. However, the Dowager Empress Deng
did not give her consent. She merely ordered the establishment of a Lieutenant
Colonel at Dunhuang to protect the Western Regions. A camp of three hundred
soldiers was re-established to keep them under control, and they then ended
[their rampages].
Later, the Northern Savages (Northern Xiongnu)
joined with the Jushi (Turfan/Jimasa) to invade Hexi (west of the Huang He). The
Imperial Government was unable to prevent it. After discussions, it was decided
to shut the Yumen and Yang frontier-passes47 to prevent
disasters.
In the second yanguang year [123
CE], the Governor of Dunhuang, Zhang Dang
presented a report setting out three plans:
“I believe that the
king of the Huyan [clan] of the Northern Savages (the Northern Xiongnu)
frequently circulates on inspection between Pulei (Barkol)48 and Lake
Qin.49 He has imposed
his rule on the Western Regions and united them to raid and pillage. We should
assemble more than 2,000 officers and soldiers taken from Jiuquan (Suzhou) and
its dependent kingdoms at the Gunlun frontier-pass.
They should immediately
attack the Huyan [clan’s] king, and cut him off from his base. Therefore, 5,000
soldiers should be sent from Shanshan (Charkhlik) to restrain the tribe of
Further Jushi (Jimasa). This is the best plan.50
If we cannot send an
army, a Division Commander with five hundred officers and men supplied with farm
draft cattle, grain, and provisions by the four commanderies [of Hexi], should
occupy Liuzhong (Lukchun).51 This is the
middle-ranking plan.
If even that can’t be
done, then the town of Jiaohe (Yarkhoto, 20 li west of Turfan) must be
abandoned, and [the people of] Shanshan (Charkhlik), and other places, be
gathered together and taken within the Barrier. This is the worst plan.”
The Imperial Government put this project under
consideration. The Imperial Secretary52 Chen Zhong
presented a memorial to the Emperor saying:
“Your subject has heard
that, of all the ravages committed by the eight [groups of] southern barbarians,
none are as bad as those of the Northern Savages (Northern Xiongnu).
When the Han came to
power, Gaozi [206-195 BCE] was surrounded at Pingcheng, and put in great danger.
Taizong [179-157 BCE] was forced to submit to the humiliation of presenting
tribute.
Emperor Xiaowu [141-87
BCE] was indignant about this. He thought deeply to
work out long-term strategies. He sent brave soldiers to navigate the (Yellow)
River, and go right across the deserts, to destroy the Savages’ (Xiongnu)
court.
During this expedition,
the Black Heads (Chinese) fell to the north of Langwang and treasure was
destroyed in the ravines of Lu Mountain.53 The treasury
was exhausted. The shuttles and reeds of the looms were empty. Measures were
taken to tax [at 2%] boats and wagons, and even the six types of domestic
animals [horses, cattle, sheep, chickens, dogs, and pigs].
However, through these
long-term strategies [the Emperor] managed to open the four commanderies west of
the (Yellow) River which cut off the Southern Qiang,54 and gathered
in the thirty-six kingdoms [of the Western Regions], cutting off the right arm
of the Xiongnu. The Chanyu (Khan)55 had to scurry
far away alone like a frightened rat.
Then, during the reigns
of Emperors Xuan [73-49 BCE] and Yuan [48-33 BCE], (China) was successfully protected against the Fan
vassals [Xiongnu],56 the
frontier-posts were not shut, and urgent war summons 57 no longer circulated.
Examination of these
facts shows that the Rong and Di [peoples to the west and north of China]
58 can be subdued by
force, but it is difficult to transform them.
The Western Regions
have, in the course of time, come to make their submission. Humbly, they are
looking to the east, knocking on our frontier gates until they shake. They do
not like the Xiongnu and they admire and imitate the Han.
Now, the Northern Savages (Northern Xiongnu) have already defeated Jushi (Turfan-Jimasa). They will inevitably head south to attack Shanshan (Charkhlik). If we abandon the latter without help, all the kingdoms will follow them. If that happens, the wealth of the Savages (Xiongnu) will increase; their audacity and strength will be multiplied; their fearful reputation will cause the Southern Qiang to join them.
Then
the four commanderies to the west of the (Yellow) River will definitely be
endangered. Now, when the area west of the (Yellow) River is endangered; it will
be very difficult to assist them. Expeditions will therefore increase a
hundredfold and there will not be enough funds to pay for them.
In the discussions,
only the extreme remoteness of the Western Regions and the numerous expenses
involved have been considered. There has been no notice taken of the suggestions
of earlier generations to follow their hearts and work hard.