Early in 1931, from January to early March, the labor movement focused considerable effort on a campaign to amend the Seattle city charter. The measure if approved by voters would have provided municipal employees a five day work week. Spearheaded by James Duncan and the Committee for the Five Day Work Week, a subcommittee within the Seattle Central Labor Council, it united all sections of the labor council and was able to gather 20,000 signatures within the necessary two weeks to bring the measure to a vote before the city by March 10 th, 1931[1].

Articles about the campaign for a five day week, often large and on the front page, appeared in nearly every edition of the Washington State Labor News from January 9 th through March 6 th. The Seattle Central Labor Council mounted an impressive campaign to spread information about the 5-day week movement. These efforts included door to door literature drives, canvassing, radio broadcasts and advertisements, newspaper articles and advertisements, sending speakers to those interested, especially union halls or on the job meetings[2]. The measure ultimately proved unsuccessful and was voted down in the March 10 th 1931 in the first solid blow to local labor in the year, a defeat that hurt morale and momentum.

The defeat of the Charter Amendment coincided with other union setbacks. One was that of the plight of the unionized garment workers who had been previously working for the Greenhood Shirt Company, which was bought out by the Dagg-Derneden company, owned by industrialist and local factory owner A.V. Love. Over the course of several weeks they ran an expanding media campaign that by the end included newspaper advertisements, a national boycott, a massive door to door canvassing and information drive, as well as a daily walkathon to and around the A.V. Loves primary factory in downtown Seattle located on 8 th and Virginia[3]. Though the workers were never hired back, the widespread publicity and dedication of former workers made their boycott hugely effective leading to a serious downturn in employment and profits at the Greenhood Shirt Co.

During 1931 a few unions were able to grow as exemplified by successful union organizing in the mining towns of Cle Ellum and Rosyln and by the I.L.A Longshoremen who tripled their membership[4]. Less successful was the struggle to fully unionize construction work on the Aurora Avenue Bridge being built by the American Bridge Company. Angered by the company’s use of imported and non-union labor, several building trades unions, including the Seattle Labor Union and the Structural Iron Workers union, became involved in several month long negotiations that finally collapsed and culminated in the American Bridge Construction company being placed on the Seattle Labor Unions 'unfair' practice list and members of the Structural Iron Workers quitting their job in a show of solidarity[5].

On the national stage, workers won victories with the passage of four bills by the United States Congress. The first two bills affected only wage earning government employees but was a large victory in of itself. They guaranteed postal workers a workweek of no more than 44 hours and the rest of federal employees a half holiday on Saturdays. The third was not what labor would like to have seen but it was the best that they could get and helped to end a series of pay scandals on the national stage by guaranteeing that workers would be paid the prevailing local wages when the national government contracted work out to private firms. The fourth and most important concession to labor groups was the Wagner Bill passed in the week of March 13 th that would have created a national system between worker relief and unemployment agencies[6]. The bill was vetoed by president Hoover by March 27 th[7].

After the failure of the 5-day week direct Charter Amendment movement and with no real progress being made by the Garments Union, union activity seemed to largely lose strength and steam. A dispute between the Queen Construction Co. and Seattle Boilermakers union was noted in WSLN and also a continuing campaign by the Musicians Association against non-union music halls. By May, labor activity within Washington state had taken a serious dip and almost all reporting focused primarily on national events, with an eerie lack of local strikes or union campaigns.

Despite the decline in labor action, there was no shortage of social events. Card games, dances, balls (in the later months cabaret took a popular turn) and picnics were in no short supply. Union auxiliaries kept up a stream of activities. The newspaper also included a bi-weekly listing of union labels and shops, radio broadcasting and book reviews.

On July 17 th the Washington State Federation of Labor, Barbers Union and Culinary Workers Union held their annual conventions[8]. Attended by labor delegates from around the state, the meetings seemed to rekindle union activity around the Pacific Northwest. Delegates were pleased by the announcement that labor leader Robert Harlin had been elected mayor of Seattle and the president of the Seattle Central Labor Council and editor for the Washington State Labor News, Dave Levine had been elected to fill his post on the City Council[9].

This move brought a change in strategy. The labor movement shifted away from single economic disputes towards overall government policy and legislation. The first flexing of these new administrative muscles came by way of an argument over the cities paying of contract workers on a sliding scale between $1.50-3.00 a day. Facing stiff resistance, Harlin and Levine worked with other council members to pass a $4.50 daily wage despite several earlier attempted failures[10].

Editorial Perspective

There was nothing radical about the Washington State Labor News. It’s values and its tone seem fairly conservative on matters of gender, race, and politics. While its tone was not overtly sexist, conventional gender divisions were reinforced in its pattern of coverage. Information pertaining to women and auxiliary unions were specifically in the Women's section of the newspaper often with recipes, weight loss tips and events. However, there were no actual critiques or problems noted with all women unions and their activities were generally supported the by the paper editorials and staff.

Racism while mostly invisible was also present in 1931. There were very few articles referring to non-white unions or workers, but where they were, small blurbs that indicated a low level of hostility and a general sentiment against workers of other races, specifically 'china men'. This is best exemplified by the article “Seamen's Bill Supported by Labor Council” on February 20 th in which the Seattle Labor Council at the urging of AFL secretary Frank Morrison supported legislature in the State Senate to bar or make it more difficult for Chinese workers to get employment aboard ocean vessels[11]. While not outright hostile in their beliefs, by being affiliated with the AFL, often the Washington State Labor News reported on various unions support of pieces of legislation or policies that negatively impacted workers of other ethnicities.

The newspaper was overtly hostile towards communism and communist labor unions. In almost every weekly edition, multiple articles could be found on a national or international level blasting communism, the 'Russian Tyrants' or the infiltration of communists within the labor movement[12]. On a national scale, articles also appeared supporting the breaking of union actions that they deemed to be 'red'. Editorials commonly ran on 'Russian Slavery' and the influence it was having on the American labor movement[13]. Few of these articles focused on local matters, but they were prominent, often major articles on the front page.

On the other hand, the newspaper advocated major economic change, reporting often on economic conditions and possible solutions. These reports were often from a very pro-union, pro-worker standpoint and often bashed on capitalist friendly viewpoints. Often, articles from major economists blasting banks and capitalists for prolonging the great depression would appear and interestingly also reports talking about how the economy could go no lower, that it had no where to go up; arguments strikingly similar to those made by economists about the recession and inflation in 2008.

The condition of the poor, homeless and low wage workers also factored prominently throughout the paper. Bi-weekly updates included the state of local community funds talking about money raised, money spent, people served and programs provided. Labor was very active in establishing worker aid funds, and working on projects that benefited the poor and their communities as evidenced by the article “Old Labor Temple Becomes Refuge” printed on January 9 in which the Labor Temple, Plumbers Union, Organized Labor, Salvation Army and several craft unions work to restore a labor hall for a homeless refuge for 40 out of work men[14]. These projects featured prominently as did activities that supported community aid and construction tasks, all of which show how through the year, labor continued to grow more powerful and effective in providing expanding services to those in need, as well as filling the role to guarantee workers a stronger basis of negotiation.

[1] “5 Day Week Stirs Labor Council.” Washington State Labor News January 9, 1931, Page 1.

[2] “Five-Day Week Sentiment is Growing Fast.” Washington State Labor News February 20, 1931, Page 1.

[3] “Strikers are Telling Story of Greenhood.” Washington State Labor News February 13, 1931, Page 1.

[4] “Longshoremen stage Wonderful Comeback.” Washington State Labor News February 6, 1931, Page 3.

[5] “Bridge Going Up Non-Union.” Washington State Labor News January 16,1931, Page 1.

[6] “Labor Obtains Four Measures from Congress.” Washington State Labor News March 13, 1931, Page 1.

[7] “Wagner Bills Veto Scored by William Green.” Washington State Labor News March 27, 1931, Page 1.

[8] “Delegates Appointed in Committees.” Washington State Labor News July 17, 1931, Page 1.

[9] “ Labor Gains Two City Posts.” Washington State Labor News July 17,1931, Page 1.

[10] “$4.50 Relief wage is Voted.” Washington State Labor News November 20,1931, Page 1.

[11] “Seamen Bills Supported by Labor Council.” Washington State Labor News February 20, 1931, Page 4.

[12] “Friendly Agreements with 'Reds' ended.” Washington State Labor News February 13, 1931, Page 3.

[13] “The Last Stand Bares Fallacy of Communism.” Washington State Labor News May 29,1931, Page 7.

[14] “ Old Labor Temple Becomes Refuge.” Washington State Labor News January 9,1931, Page 1.