In June, IWW organizers assisted a strike by the United Dock Workers, a new union in Seattle, composed of teamsters who moved goods to and from the ships. Twelve hundred members went on strike for better wages. They had previously attempted to affiliate with the International Longshoremen’s Association (ILA) but were denied. The Industrial Worker claimed that the American Federation of Labor (AFL) affiliated ILA encouraged members to scab during the first three days of the United Dock Workers walkout. Then ILA changed course and struck ports up and down the West Coast. In doing so they had to break a clause in their contract that required a 60 day notice before going on strike.[1] Employers then called upon the federal government to break the strike. Labor Secretary William Wilson sent a telegram to the bosses that encouraged them “not to accede to the demands of the strikers” and soon the Washington National Guard was sent to Seattle’s waterfront.[2] By June 1st a temporary deal had been made between the ILA and their bosses to have the workers go back to work with the new union pay scale. However, the employers quickly went back on their word and were hiring scabs to do the shipyard work. By the June 22nd edition of the Industrial Worker, it is clear that the ILA has lost the strike. The executive board of the ILA asked its members to return to work.  

 Minnesota Iron Range

The year’s most important campaign began in June when Iron ore miners in Northern Minnesota struck a company controlled by the world’s largest corporation, US Steel. When AFL-affiliated unions refused help, the strikers turned to the IWW, which promptly dispatched organizers and spread the strike to other companies throughout the Mesabi iron range which supplied most of the ore used by American steel companies. The Steel Trust attempted to stop the strike by getting Arthur Boose, an IWW organizer, and thirteen other workers arrested. The Industrial Worker also accused the Steel Trust of involvement in the kidnapping of the group’s lawyer.[3] For a while the strike it looked like it was going to go in the workers’ favor. By the end of June, the newspaper reported that 15,000 workers had joined the strike, later claiming that as many as 40,000 had left the mines, with many joining the IWW Metal Mine Workers’ Industrial Union. But as the strike dragged on through the summer, the companies began using “thugs who beat, jailed and shot over six hundred men and women.”[4] By September the campaign was in trouble and in the September 23rd issue, the Industrial Worker declared that “Iron range strike called off: Not Lost.”[5] Although they were not able to win that strike they were optimistic about the future. Their attitude remained positive and determined. For the miners, this was end of one chapter and the start of another one in their quest for better working conditions and wages.

Other campaigns were more successful. The IWW tended to do better on smaller strikes, and they also did better in the agriculture sector that year too. One of the smaller successful strikes involved fishermen who had organized an IWW afiliated union in San Francisco, California. After a week of striking, and with the help of George Speed, the bosses gave into the demands of their workers.[6] The IWW was able to help workers get better working conditions. Another successful strike was in Detroit, where workers in the Kelsey Wheel Works won an eight-hour workday and an increase in their wages.[7] This was possible with the organization and leadership of the IWW. As a result of that strike, 350 workers joined the IWW.[8]  A third example of winning a strike was in Rosalia, Washington, were two IWW farm workers put down their tools and forced their "cussing" employer to grant a wage increase.[9] The Industrial Worker urged other farm workers to do likewise and explained that farms were prime spots for organization and for winning wage increases. An issue with some of the larger strikes was that they tended to attract government attention, which often sided with the businessmen and not the laborers.

Everett Massacre

 In mid-summer, both newspapers began covering events in Everett, Washington, where the AFL Shingle Weavers Union had been on strike for weeks. IWW activists headed to the lumber mill city to support the shingle workers. Everett authorities were determined to keep the Wobblies from mounting a full-fledged free speech fight. Friction between the two groups started in July when James Rowan, an IWW member, was arrested in Everett for public speaking.[10] Following his arrest, the next public meeting at Everett resulted in seventeen more individuals being arrested.[11] For two months, the Industrial Worker recorded what it called the “Reign of Terror at Everett,” detailing arrests and beatings at the hands of county sheriff deputies and vigilantes organized by local business leaders.[12] Often, those arrested did not receive a trial and were deported from Everett. At this point, the Wobblies were fighting for more than just labor rights but also civil rights: the right of free speech and assembly.

November turned out to be the tipping point for the two groups. As stated in the November 11th issue of the Industrial Worker, the Wobblies informed the city of Everett that the members of their organization were coming from Seattle to Everett via ships to hold a public meeting. As the first ship pulled up to the harbor, the Wobblies were met by armed deputies and vigilantes. TheIndustrial Worker claimed that only a couple of the Wobblies had guns. Gunfire soon broke out between the two parties. Five men from the IWW were killed along with two of the vigilantes. Many were injured and two hundred and eighty-seven IWW members or associates were arrested.[13]

Two weeks after the Everett Massacre, the IWW met for the 10th annual convention, Solidarity proclaiming it the “Best Yet.”[14]